ANGOLA: BRIEFS FROM THE ELECTION (1)

Things are not exactly going to plan:

1. Earlier on Friday the head of the EU mission, the Italian Luisa Morgantini, called the election “a total disaster” . The same assessment was made by the leader of the opposition, Isaias Samakuva, who called for a repeat of the election in Luanda, where of the 584 polling stations 320 didn't function.

2. Later on the day, Morgantini explained that she was referring exclusively to the polling stations she visited and not to the entire election process as “disastrous”.

3. Meanwhile, the National Electoral Commission announced that polling stations will be opened on Saturday and the vote will continue.

VOTE SE PUDER

O QUE NOSOTROS ANDAMOS PR'AQUI A PERDER... (4)

ANGOLA ELECTIONS: A CHATHAM HOUSE REPORT

Angola is sub-Saharan Africa's largest oil producer, reaching 2 million barrels a day. It is also OPEC's newest member. Angolans go to the polls on Friday 5 September 2008 for legislative elections, the first multiparty polls since 1992. Ten parties and four coalitions with 5,198 candidates will contest 220 seats.
Chatham House's pre-election assessment examines the run-up to these elections in this strategic southern African country whose export earnings in 2008 will be over US$84 billion. Over 8 million voters have registered for these elections which represent a milestone in Angola's post-conflict transition. They also form part of a wider process with presidential elections scheduled for 2009 and municipal elections in 2010. The Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) has been in power since independence from Portugal in 1975.
Given the MPLA's institutional and financial strength, it is expected to win the election and might increase its majority which would allow it to change the constitution. For the main opposition party, the National Union for Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) these elections will determine how relevant they are, after their military defeat and six years of peace.

[Click on the image to access full report]

ECOS DA IMPRENSA ANGOLANA (24)

Starting with some features from Novo Jornal (NJ):

Picture of the week

Sounds and Colours of the Campaign

A campaign that is truly a campaign also has lots of partying in the middle. The ideology counts, of course, but the music, the walkings, the eatings and drinkings are also part of the electoral period: they give it another colour and help to pass the message. In Angola it’s not different. It’s just seeing them walking the streets trying to “sell their fish” with loudspeakers in hand, horns firmly pressed down and ‘sound systems’ with decibels well high up. It’s a symphony of colour and sound showing that here too the election campaign can be a party of all, for all.

A Woman for Prime Minister?

Speculations mount about the probability that the next Angolan Prime Minister might be a woman: “the future government to come out of these elections might have a woman as Prime Minister, the NJ has learned from various sources linked to the different legislative candidatures. Neither the MPLA nor UNITA confirm, although none of them dismisses the possibility. ‘It’s a competency of the President of the Republic’, they say.
The name of Ana Dias Lourenco, currently the Minister of Planning, is being aired for that position as a result of her association with the “Economic Team”, comprised among others of Finance Minister Pedro de Morais and Vice-Prime Minister Aguinaldo Jaime, a team hailed as the maker of the curent ‘macro-economic stability’ and high rates of GDP growth in the country. However, neither Lourenco nor any of the other members of the team belong to the MPLA’s Political Bureau, which leaves the question out in the open, perhaps to be filled-in by a man so far operating in the shadows, Manuel Nunes Junior, who, thanks to his position as that party organ’s Secretary for Economic and Social Affairs, might be more likely to be named for the role. He says, however, that he hasn’t been approached so far about the issue.

Moving to other papers:

In an interview to the A Capital, Reginaldo Silva, a.k.a. Wilson Dada, comments on the prospect of a political bipolarisation of the country between the MPLA and UNITA:

“I honestly believe that the political future of Angola, bearing in mind the need to safeguard all the interests cohabiting in our large and diversified geographic square, will be best served by a scenario of party equilibrium, even if it is based on a Legislative Assembly clearly bipolarised. In its more than thirty years of independence, Angola has always lived under a political regime controlled by one single political force, despite all the cosmetic nuances observed during the Second Republic, with its pathetic GURN (Government of Unity and National Reconciliation).
I think that it is time for Angolans to experience a more open regime, in respect to an effective compromise and consistent political dialogue among its protagonists, which should not allow any of the parties to take major national decisions alone. This need makes all sense in a country that, in all truth, still hasn’t democratised itself structurally or even psychologically, this being extensive equally to the institutions and the people.
Among us, I know that the adepts of the regime of absolute majority are more than many, most of whom take that position more out of an ‘epidermic’ (emotional) option than of a rational one, if I am allowed to enter others’ field. Some of these adepts think that it is only possible to govern with efficacy without dependence on consensuses with the other political forces. I believe that it is much more easy to govern that way. But it is also more easy to misgovern and commit all sorts of tampering with the law and abuses of power, ‘products’ well known to Angolans.”

Jose’ Kaliengue, in the Semanario Angolense, reports that the Luanda provincial command of the police presented to the public, last Wednesday, the presumable authors of the sordid “Frescura massacre” happened last July in the neighbourhood of Sambizanga:

“They were policeman. The revelation did not surprise anyone. Firstly, because the killers were identified on location. Secondly, because the hurry with which the second commander of the local police went to Radio Ecclesia to announce the event is not at all common in Angola. Thirdly, because the assassins used a unidentifiable car, acted with the coldness of who has the situation under control and doesn’t fear the police and, fourthly, because the locals told the media that at the time of the killings there were police cars patrolling the area that did not react, did not follow the murderers’ car and, therefore, could only be there to protect them. The police was left without any exit option except to admit that the assassins were among themselves. For that, it must be said, the pressure from the private media and the civil society was instrumental.”

Back to the NJ:

The Angolan BB Africa III contestant

Ricardo Venâncio “Ricco”, 23, a university student born in Luanda, is the Angolan representative at the third edition of the popular contest. More than a hundred people gathered in one of the leisure hangouts in the Island of Luanda showed their solidarity to him.
He is the first male contestant from Angola to enter the most supervised house in Africa, where for three months the participants’ behaviour, attitudes and personalities will be evaluated. At the end there will be only one winner.
The house has been open for five days already and until November we will see what will be Ricardo’s story. His friends and relatives who watched the contest’s opening ceremony in Luanda expect a higher level of participation from him than those protagonised in past editions by Bruna Tatiana and Tatiana Durao.

Some interesting news on the football field

While Manucho Goncalves is presented as Ferguson’s bet to reinforce the Manchester team this season, Santana says: “My dream is to play in England”.

Santana, a 24 year old leading Angolan striker, reveals to the NJ that he gets his inspiration from Thierry Henry and dreams of wearing the Arsenal shirt.

{… I also have a Santana like that around here… actually he was responsible for taking me for the first time in my life to watch a football match at a big stadium… more precisely, the Arsenal stadium!}

And finally…

"O FIM DA PICADA..."

Ontem, um amigo escreveu-me isto de Luanda:

Estou seguro que a campanha do “teu” presidente é mais interessante de acompanhar da que vai indo por aqui sem interesse praticamente nenhum. Chegamos à triste conclusão que não temos mesmo oposição e que, como se diz aqui “antigamente Partido ùnico, agora… Único partido”!

[Cartoon Novo Jornal]

MUXIMA

As velas mexem-se freneticamente e traçam rabiscos breves de luz na noite escura. As vozes modulam-se em êxtase. De repente, enquanto escrevem a minha morada numa folha encardida, ela chega. Sem aviso prévio, e elevada sobre a multidão, a Mamã Muxima surge a contraluz no lado esquerdo da porta. Em segundos, percorre todo o meu ecrã imaginário e desaparece pelo canto direito. Sem tempo de pedir um desejo, ela continua o seu percurso fora do meu ângulo de visão, do lado de lá da fronteira que divide a prisão da liberdade.

Ao lado, no “banco dos suspeitos”, a polícia passa a pente fino tudo o que o gravador e a máquina fotográfica registaram ao longo do dia. Os “flashes” passam ao lado do agente, que nem repara naquela mais-velha da fotografia. As lágrimas correm-lhe pela cara, seguindo os sulcos das rugas vincadas na pele negra. Chora em silêncio, braços ao alto, joelhos empoeirados pregados no chão. Esgar de prece e de dor, olhos fechados que apontam o altar de onde a Mamã Muxima tudo contempla, tudo acolhe. E as imagens sucedem-se, inocentes: O fumo dos fogareiros e das pequenas fogueiras mistura-se com a névoa de poeira fina. A maior parte dos peregrinos traz os alimentos, prontos a cozinhar. Outros não. Para estes, uma série de barracas pontilha a Muxima com o aval das autoridades terrenas da vila-santuário. Vêm de Luanda à procura de lucro e da bênção. Para que o negócio corra bem, para que os investimentos sejam superados, para que, no regresso a casa, os Hiaces que pagaram a peso de ouro não se despistem. Alguns não têm sorte. As carcaças ao longo da estrada entre Sangano e a Muxima deixam adivinhar finais infelizes. Avança a busca na máquina fotográfica e surge a multidão entre as barracas improvisadas e os panos que cobrem o chão, que servirão de cama quando a noite fresca do fim do cacimbo à beira Kwanza chegar.
Jovens, velhos, menos jovens, homens, mulheres, muitas mulheres caminham, tropeçam, cruzam-se, dançam, vão, regressam, sentamse, deitam-se, levantam-se, curvam-se, ajoelham-se, rezam, existem. “Mamã Muxima Rogai por Nós” estampado nas t-shirts brancas da maior parte dos peregrinos. A rodear a cintura e a cobrir a cabeça, panos tradicionais com a santa estampada de todas as formas e feitios. A massa humana é um caleidoscópio de cores.

Com o gravador encostado ao ouvido, para abafar o som que vem lá de fora, a polícia ouve o apelo do Frei Lukonda, na celebração penitencial: “A Paz foi um grande sacrifício. Paz não é só o calar das armas, é preciso desarmar as mentes”. A gravação digital avança e dá voz aos anseios do povo: “Peço para que a Mamã Muxima me arranje noivo”; “Quero que a Mamã tire o meu irmão e o meu noivo da droga”; “Só peço à Mamã Muxima que traga paz a Angola”. Por fim, a fé dos peregrinos: “A Mamã Muxima para mim é tudo, é uma irmã, uma amiga, uma companheira”; “A Mamã Muxima é a minha luz, é o meu Deus”; “A Mamã Muxima nunca me abandonou, sempre esteve comigo durante a vida”. “Irmão” e “Irmã” são palavras-refrão, no meu gravador. Os sorrisos são constantes, os abraços multiplicam-se, mesmo entre desconhecidos.
Vive-se uma espécie de estado de graça na Muxima que envolve os peregrinos, o casario velho da vila, a igreja, a capela lá no alto do morro e o Kwanza que, por aqueles lados, corre por entre uma vegetação verde-luxuriante, num cenário idílico. Por entre a azáfama, uma voz quase imperceptível improvisa um cântico religioso. Tudo à volta pára. Uma, duas, dez, vinte vozes num kimbundu compassado e harmonioso tornam-se onda de choque sonora. O compasso é marcado por palmas. Tac, tac, tac em ampliação desmesurada, fé em estado efervescente. O gravador faz stop, acabou a gravação.

Foto daqui

“A primeira grande peregrinação à Muxima de que há registos aconteceu em 1650, quando se repôs a imagem da santa no altar-mor da igreja, vencida a invasão holandesa”, conta Mário Torres, reitor do santuário. No entanto, já antes o culto se fazia sentir naquela área, em torno de “uma antiga capela de pau-a-pique que havia numa zona que o rio entretanto tomou”. As lendas em torno do culto “são muitas”, conta o sacerdote, mas há uma que chama especial atenção: “o povo conta que esta igreja da Muxima apareceu de um dia para o outro, como por milagre.
No meu entender isso é uma forma das pessoas explicarem a forma como o culto se impôs na região que, de facto, aconteceu num espaço de 15 anos”. Mário Torres rejeita também a versão popular de a Mamã Muxima ter aparecido no local onde se ergue a capela, no alto do morro. O sacerdote assume ainda o sincretismo do culto à imagem. “A devoção à Mamã Muxima não é puramente cristã, envolve muita magia e feitiçaria. As pessoas vêem a santa como uma pessoa com muito poder, suficientemente forte para fazer o bem e mesmo o mal”, diz, explicando que o desafio passa por “atribuir um verdadeiro significado cristão ao culto, incorporando o que a tradição tem de bom”.
Este ano a romaria aconteceu mais cedo. “A acontecer no primeiro domingo de Setembro, como é normal, a peregrinação calharia dois dias depois das eleições, o que poderia colocar as pessoas entre duas opções: ou votar ou vir à Muxima. Como temos que assumir a nossa responsabilidade, resolvemos alterar a data”, explica o reitor.

[Aqui]

duo ouro negro - muxima

"MANIFESTO PELO DIREITO A VIDA"

I had initially written this as a comment to this post but, on good advice, decided to post it separately.

1. Because it is never enough to stress the importance, relevance and accuracy of messages like Malavoloneke’s here, I must do just that: stress it!

But, let’s not make any mistakes: I am also a good friend of Fernando’s.

With him I shared the anguishes that led many Angolan students in Portugal to bring about a “Manifesto for the Right to Live”, for which we went door to door to collect thousands of signatures from the Angolan community and friends of Angola in Portugal and held a well attended vigil in one of Lisbon’s main squares, which counted with such references of our national culture as Raul Indipwo, his own father, Jorge Macedo, and others, calling for a halt to the hostilities that followed the 1992 elections and for a lasting peace and true democracy in our country.
Supporting him I was, a few months later, in the hunger strike he and other Angolan students held in front of the Angolan Embassy in Lisbon to protest at the victimisation students were being subjected to as a result of the intolerance and political violence that marked those times in our national life. With him I traveled, some time later, to Brussels, to spread our message and express our desire for peace at the headquarters of the European Union. To him I suggested, a few years later in Luanda, when he asked my opinion about it, that it would be better for him to go to pursue his studies and leave the political/civic struggles aside for a while – this particular episode happened when he was working in the same office as Rafael Marques, under the auspices of the Open Society, and it would be particularly interesting to observe the evolution Marques’ relationship with that organisation had in more recent years...

For him I was happy when he let me know some time later that he was in Boston post-graduating in Law. To him go my praises for all the courage and strength he shows in fighting for Justice, Peace and Democracy in our country!

However… however, in this occasion, I subscribe to Malavoloneke’s message to him. And deep down in my heart I believe that Fernando also subscribes to it, at least for this once. For this peace we so longed for. For that right to live that we called for so earthly sixteen years ago! And that message was and is very simple:

GIVE PEACE A CHANCE!

2. While I was living those moments with Fernando, I was also sharing (or had shared) momentous experiences with such ‘Mais Velhos’ from our country’s political history as Mario Pinto de Andrade, Manuel Lima and Daniel Chipenda (it was straight from this late Angolan nationalist's family home that I left, totally exhausted spiritually and psychologically, more than a decade ago, Lisbon to London, where I’ve been based ever since to rebuild, literally piece by piece, my then totally shattered life and from where I’ve been trying to give whatever contribution I can to our country and to our continent, until I can finally return home without fears of seeing my life shattered all over again for whatever reason – it is thus to protect my ‘right to live’ that I am forced, again, to stay abroad for a while longer. You see, unlike others, no matter what passport we may be using, we cannot disguise or conceal our identity: it is imprinted in our skin, our mind, our memory, our soul, our diction, our culture).
With them and others, I learned many of the lessons they had accumulated along about half a century of struggles for liberation, peace and development in Africa. Through them I’ve learned something essential about ourselves: for all the differences in their individual trajectories and standings in the nationalist movement, there was one commonality – our future can only be dictated by our own past, culture and history.

It was from them, among others, and from my own life experiences prior and after meeting them, that I got this sense of just how right Malavoloneke is in saying: “Therefore, I would like you to understand that we all need ways out. Ways out that have also to be ways of hope. Ways of hope that do not need to be necessarily perfect, they just need to be necessarily ours. Created by us with the limitations that we have, created in our own context with our own specificities and created for our land with the adaptations that they might require, but not imposed by a theoretical script from any western country.”

It was what I learned from them (and, to be perfectly accurate, before them, with my father and grandparents) that helped me make sense, particularly looking at my own life, not just of the letters from Unita and Mpla militants that I’ve reproduced here but, above all, of the passages from Douglass North’s Economics Nobel Prize Lecture, which I placed in the comment’s space to this post.

O QUE NOSOTROS ANDAMOS PR'AQUI A PERDER... (3)

MARIO PINTO DE ANDRADE: O REGRESSO DA MEMORIA

SOU, ASSIM, UM AFRICANO DE ANGOLA

"É justamente porque nasci em Angola, país africano em que vivi e aprendi a conhecer a realidade colonial, que afirmo e defendo a minha angolanidade. E sobretudo: ajudei e continuo a ajudar, na medida das minhas capacidades intelectuais, a fazer respeitar internacionalmente o direito do povo angolano a dispor de si próprio."

No dia em que Mário Pinto de Andrade completaria 80 anos, a Fundação Mário Soares (FMS) publicou no seu site parte do espólio do nacionalista angolano. Em Dezembro, o acervo do político e intelectual vai ser doado à Fundação Sagrada Esperança.

A recuperação do espólio demorou cerca de 10 anos a ser concluída. Em 1998, Henda e Anna Ducados, filhas de Mário Pinto de Andrade, depositaram o material na FMS, em Lisboa. Uma opção criticada, na altura, mas que Henda Ducados garante ter sido “meramente técnica”. Do conjunto entregue constava documentação escrita e fotográfica recolhida junto de personalidades da Guiné-Bissau, Cabo Verde e Moçambique e, sobretudo, na casa onde o nacionalista viveu até à sua morte. A análise dos espólios de Amílcar Cabral e de Daniel Chipenda, depositados na FMS, permitiu cruzar dados e aumentar ainda mais o acervo de Mário Pinto de Andrade.


A primeira fase da recuperação, catalogação e digitalização do material terminaria só no início deste ano. “A maior parte estava em mau estado, por ter ficado guardada durante muito tempo em caves e também devido à qualidade do papel e da tinta”, explica Henda Ducados. O espólio de Mário Pinto de Andrade foi dividido em quatro grandes grupos: Investigação (57%), Movimentos de Libertação (32%), Documentos Pessoais (6%) e Actividade Literária (5%). Entre a documentação disponível encontram-se “pérolas históricas”, como a correspondência trocada com Viriato da Cruz, Agostinho Neto e outras personalidades destacadas, todos os passaportes que utilizou (incluindo os dos tempos em que fintava a PIDE), rascunhos da Comissão Organizadora da Conferência da Organização da União Africana, que integrou, os discursos das independências do Ghana e da Guiné-Conacri, actas e minutas de conferências internacionais, e muito mais.


A dimensão humana do nacionalista angolano também tem um espaço de destaque. São muitos os diários escritos à mão que poderão dar pistas mais profundas sobre o homem por trás do político. O acervo tem ainda documentação relativa a Maurício Ferreira Gomes, Agostinho Neto, Fernando Costa Andrade e Marcelino dos Santos. Guiné-Bissau, Cabo Verde, Moçambique e São Tomé e Príncipe, bem como o Movimento Anti Colonial e a Conferência das Organizações Nacionalistas das Colónias Portuguesas estão também representados.


“Este é o regresso da memória de Mário Pinto de Andrade do exílio”. É assim que Henda Ducados classifica o retorno do espólio do seu pai ao país. Admitindo que “em Angola a História não foi à procura dos seus heróis”, defende que “é preciso haver uma reconciliação com a memória e com o passado” do qual “Mário é uma figura incontornável”. E é exactamente de “preservação de memória” que Henda Ducados fala, quando analisa a importância e simbolismo do acervo documental do nacionalista: “Esta é uma herança que deve ser partilhada, é património de Angola. Divulgá-lo é reconhecer e homenagear o trabalho, não só do Mário, mas de toda uma geração que contribuiu para a independência de Angola e que abriu portas para todos nós vivermos com orgulho na nossa identidade e sem complexos de qualquer tipo”.

[Aqui]

"LICOES EM GOVERNACAO APLICADA..."

[O Governo de Angola - Foto Novo Jornal]

ECHOES FROM THE ANGOLAN PRESS (23)

Antonio Freitas, in the Novo Jornal (NJ), comments on a controversial note sent by the Angolan Ministry of External Relations (MIREX) to all embassies, consulates and offices of international organisations in Luanda:


“The note restricts henceforth the circulation of diplomats inside the country, a measure being interpreted in some circles as a way of limiting the observation by them of what might be happening outside the capital during the electoral campaign. According to the document, the notified who might wish to travel outside Luanda must inform the MIREX of that intention at least three working days in advance. The ministry argues that the measure aims at ‘allowing the Angolan Government to fulfill its obligation to protect all inhabitants of the national territory, particularly the diplomatic agents.’
According to sources, the issue was discussed during a meeting between the External Relations minister, Joao Miranda, and the United States ambassador, Dan Mozena. The ambassador is said to have expressed his reservations about the measure, but was reassured by the minister that its only objective was ‘to provide an adequate protocol treatment’ to the diplomatic personnel. However, the note contains passages that don’t seem as comforting as the minister claims. For example, it refers to article 41 of the Vienna Convention, according to which ‘without prejudice to their privileges and immunities, the diplomatic agents, as well as having the duty to respect the laws and regulations of the accredited state, must not interfere in its internal affairs.’ This particular passage is taken by many as a serious warning to the foreign embassies which have usually taken positions whenever elections in African countries have unpleasant outcomes, as happened recently in Kenya and Zimbabwe. In an interview to the NJ last July, Dan Mozena said emphatically that his mission would be 'with an eye' on the Angolan elections."

As an echo of how party politics in the present campaign is being perceived by militants of the leading parties, there is a letter by a UNITA militant to the NJ in which he states:


“I am an old militant of UNITA who lived for a long time inside the UNITA liberated areas, including Jamba, the capital of the resistance at the time of Dr. Savimbi, the founding president of UNITA.
During the time that I lived in those areas, in relation to party-politics issues, there was no democracy in the true sense of the word, but there was Dr. Savimbi’s very able hand at manipulating politics, always taking into account the sensitivity and representativity of the local elites, bearing in mind their ethno-linguistic and racial belonging, which earned him lots of sympathy among the populations.
(…)
What we see today in Mr. Samakuva’s UNITA, as far as the choice of candidates for Members of Parliament (MPs) is concerned, is a scandal and is becoming dangerous for the harmony inside the party and the country. The elites of communities with political expression in various regions were almost all ignored. In retrospect, let’s mention the fact that in the pseudo-elections at the X Congress of UNITA, those who supported the parliamentarian Chivukuvuku for the leadership were removed from the places they held in the party, which contradicts the propaganda about democracy inside UNITA spread by Mr. Samakuva’s supporters. (…) The situation is even worse in the present choice of candidates for MPs, in provinces such as Benguela, where the genuine local UNITA elites are not represented and in their place friends and people from Mr. Samakuva’s region or his relatives were predominantly chosen. Quo vadis UNITA? The future will tell…”

Earlier in this series, I have published a similar letter from a MPLA militant appeared in the Angolense:



“In relation to the constitution of the list for future members of the National Assembly (MPs), I have to say that once again our glorious MPLA demonstrated that in terms of transparency and democracy it is the worst party. (…) Last Saturday, the Luanda Provincial Committee of the MPLA called a meeting with the directorships of the province’s ‘action committees’. The party bases, in spite of not having been informed beforehand of the reasons for the meeting, attended in mass. (…) [However], the meeting was pure and simply aimed at misleading the militants when the lists had already been made since March/April. The bases also became aware that the list for the national circle is equally very doubtful and doesn’t have any technical-professional credibility.
Within the various ‘action committees’ in Luanda’s urban areas (…) there are militants who sacrifice a lot in their work for the MPLA and are holders of undergraduate and masters degrees, among whom lawyers, university teachers and electoral trainers, with an enviable technical-professional experience. They are militants who have the MPLA at heart and whose presence in those committees will guarantee the party’s victory in the respective areas.

[However, it is sad to see that they were ignored in favour of mostly unknown faces].
(…)
That’s why, because of these injustices, the MPLA, mobilised with the sacrifice and supported by the bases, on polling day will see those same bases prefer to stay at home instead of voting for people that they don’t know and did not select. That’s also why the militant, if he chooses to vote, will do so for the opposition, which, in spite of the past, will probably have a better team for the National Assembly comparatively to our MPLA, which is not concerned with the Luanda vote because the victory will come from the provinces. We only regret that the MPLA continues to use the methods of the past and ignoring the fact that times have changed. It’s always the same people who get nominated, everything works on the basis of ‘schemes’ and corruption. When things are not done with transparency it’s a sign of corruption. That’s how the MPLA, even if unwillingly, is campaigning for the opposition.
I have expressed my opinion here because if I express it at the meeting I will be silenced, mistreated and perhaps killed. When a militant cannot just say what he feels and if he does is taken as disgruntled and when one is disgruntled it’s a crime, then it’s not possible to take these ideas to meetings. That’s how our MPLA is.”

Celso Malavoloneke, in the Semanario Angolense (SA), in an open letter to Fernando Macedo, president of the Association Justice, Peace and Democracy (AJPD), expresses his disagreements with the tone and the spirit of some of the positions this association has been taking on the current election campaign.

The proximate motive for Malavoloneke’s letter is a statement by AJPD, signed by Macedo and also published in the SA, according to which “The AJPD alerts the Angolan political community and the international community, specially the national and international observers, to the practices, unacceptable in a democratic state of rights, which have been occurring in the current electoral process, namely: the Government of Angola’s permanent propaganda in the state media using the same narrative discourse of one of the contending parties in clear violation of the principle of equal treatment and opportunity; the give-aways to members of the electorate of goods such as bicycles and motorcycles by political parties and organisations affected to them during acts of political campaign with vote orientation, all under the blind eye of the National Electoral Commission and the National Council for Social Communication; the persistence of attempts to violate the laws applicable to the electoral process, and the occasional political violence, even if of low intensity and not generalised, without the prompt charging of the responsible for such actions by the competent judicial and police bodies.”

In reaction to that statement, Malavoloneke asserts:

(…)

In 1991/92 I was placed in the southern region of the country coordinating the area of community development of a well known international ONG. In that role, I was witness to the damage caused to the bodies and minds of thousands of compatriots by inflammatory speeches and careless actions that have characterised that election campaign. The “friends” from the international community, headed by the United Nations and supported by the super-powers of the Cold War and Portugal, imposed their agenda and timing, anxious for a disposable solution in which the most honest hoped – they could only hope – that after they left the country Angolans would come to agreement the best way they could. However, all exploded even before that, with the consequences that we all know.
(…)

And, look, I forgot something: when the fight began, my functions changed, and do you know to what? Head of logistics of a makeshift travel agency to evacuate from the country the foreigners and their families from the chancelleries that contributed more or less openly to set the country on fire. And those chancelleries don’t seem far away from you and the AJPD. Ah! And I also evacuated some Angolans who all of a sudden produced other passports which they had been hiding, mind you…
(…)
Therefore, I would like you to understand that we all need ways out. Ways out that have also to be ways of hope. Ways of hope that do not need to be necessarily perfect, they just need to be necessarily ours. Created by us with the limitations that we have, created in our own context with our own specificities and created for our land with the adaptations that they might require, but not imposed by a theoretical script from any western country.
(…)

It seems to me that the Angolan elites have decided to look after these aspects and take that past as a reference. Therefore, your discourse, dear FM, sounds isolated and causes fears. Hence this reaction from your close brother. Our responsibility, as the elites, is to scrutinise the process, yes, but taking into account our idiosyncrasies. And one of them, really assumed, is that inflammatory, passionate, virulent speeches at this stage are arson attempts: whatever the reason, they are damaging, even dangerous, to the common good. Let us thus accept the imperfections of our process and let us build our own history with the responsibility of the great peoples where all tolerate each other. Because it is important at this stage for us to believe in the good will of everybody, whether or not it exists. It’s the price of the progress towards plain democracy. Where we arrive at not forcefully but by stages. Where mistakes, instead of throwing weapons, are pillars of the lessons learned in the way toward perfection.”

And finally...

O QUE NOSOTROS ANDAMOS PR'AQUI A PERDER... (2)

ECHOES FROM THE ANGOLAN PRESS (22)

Today’s Jornal de Angola informs of the passing yesterday of Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa,

at the Parisian hospital where he had been interned since last July after suffering a cerebral thrombosis in Egypt on the eve of a African Union Summit meeting.

Trained as a lawyer, Mwanawasa was the third Zambian President after the country’s independence from Britain in 1964 and the first without links to liberation movements.
According to the country’s constitution, elections are to be held in 90 days to establish a new President.

In the A Capital, journalist Mario Paiva evaluates the forces at presence in the current legislative elections campaign and asks whether the country is facing "aged hopes or vulgar changes":

The performance of the opposition suggests an unpreparedness for a long-run race: while UNITA throws itself to the “consolidation of the electoral markets”, a handful of politicians doesn’t assume any ambitious objective; the vulgarization of “change”, the absence of confrontation of ideas and the lack of political assertiveness only helps to reinforce the banality of the supposed lesser evil: the status quo.
The MPLA, as the situation party, armed itself with an expected luggage: the alleged economic performance of the post-war, insufficient to claim governance efficiency credits but enough to insufflate the common place of the acquired experience and turn hopes even more aged and vague. Three decades of government, mostly under the first Republic, the one-party system and the absolute power, brought about the experience that made the party state a heavy reality in Angola.
To begin with, the governing party was on an advantageous starting position, due to the disproportion of material, financial and human resources, albeit weakened by the prolonged exercise of power, stained by authoritarianism and corruption. A careful propaganda campaign based on the recently attained peace, the multiplicity of public works and the take-off of some younger so-called technocrat executives, among other factors, did the rest.

Still in the same paper, an interview with Fernando Pacheco, president of the Consultative Board of the Angolan NGO ‘Action for the Rural Development and the Environment’ (ADRA):

According to Fernando Pacheco, Third World government officials are more concerned with their access to power and clientelism once they get there than with achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). He further asserts that, in the Angolan case, such disregard for the MDGs is compounded by the politicians’ lack of awareness of its main items. For him, the MDGs will only start to be seriously debated in Angola when President Eduardo dos Santos decides to talk about them, as happened with the bio-fuels: “The political parties should talk more often about the MDGs. They should incorporate that concern in their programs.”
Asked whether he thought the country could meet the 2015 target year to achieve the MDGs, Fernando Pacheco expressed his scepticism, arguing that it would require a rapid change of government policies in some sectors of the economy to fight poverty: “This is an issue of government ethics and policy. More attention needs to be paid to family agriculture. There is need to create services and access to services can only be guaranteed by the state. It is necessary above all, to improve the living standards of the population. (…) There is need to improve schooling levels and the gender balance, because the more women have access to services, particularly to education, the more able they will be to contribute to GDP and to improve their family’s incomes and living conditions.”

The Novo Jornal reproduces an article first appeared in the Portuguese newspaper Diario Economico, about the expansion of business interests of the Angolan state oil company, Sonangol, in Portugal:

The most powerful Angolan company, Sonangol, already has deciding stakes in some of the biggest Portuguese companies, such as BCP, Galp and Amorim Energia and wants to buy into EDP, PT and ZON, in a strategy led by a discreet and implacable engineer with precious allies, Manuel Vicente. As a result of that strategy, in less than a year, Sonangol became the second biggest stakeholder of Millennium BCP bank, with a 7% stake, which it already announced its intention to increase. Besides the bank, the company has been investing in the main strategic sectors of the Portuguese economy: it controls 15% of Galp (through a 45% stake in Amorim Energy), has a partnership with Portugal Telecom (PT) at Unitel (an Angolan telecommunications operator) and has already expressed interest in entering the energy and natural gas sectors. ZON Multimedia, according to several sources in the market, is the next target.

Manuel Vicente has been at the helm of Sonangol and leading the company’s internationalisation for the last ten years. However, in spite of centralising all decisions, he doesn’t go ahead without President Dos Santos’ clearance. Almost every week, Manuel Vicente goes to the presidential palace, in Luanda, to dispatch personally with the President on the most important business of the Angolan most powerful company. This reveals a lot: first, that all strategic decisions of the company, including investments in Portugal, go through José Eduardo dos Santos; second, that Manuel Vicente is a man who has the trust of the politician.

Finally, also in the Novo Jornal, an interview with John Marcum, an American political scientist who is a close observer of Angolan politics since 1962 and was recently in the country to attend a Conference on Politics and Civil Society organised by the Catholic University of Angola:


You once wrote that “Angola was destined to be the experimental field of the desire and power of the post-Vietnam America.” Why Angola?

At independence, the military power had collapsed. There was no perspective of elections, much less of a coalition government. At the same time, there was the Cold War and the question was thus posed: either support one side or the other. For quite a long time I positioned myself publicly against the US support to UNITA or to any other party, because to me an intervention in this country didn’t make any sense. The American policy in relation to Angola, like that of the entire international community, was a huge failure. Later, in 1992, the United Nations supposedly should disarm the MPLA and UNITA forces, create a unique army and organise local elections. However, instead of that, it left the military situation in the open, promoted elections where “the winner took all and the loser took nothing”, and didn’t go ahead with the suffrage at the local level, important to establish “bottom-up” power structures. We all know the consequences.

16 years later, how do you evaluate Angola’s relationship with the international community?

Today the Angolan context is substantially different, although paradoxical. The external factor is not as strong in terms of governance. But there are the effects of the so-called “Dutch disease”, which happens when a country with immense resources is rich from the macro-economic viewpoint , but its richness is irresponsibly managed by those in power (I am not making any specific allegation, that’s what happens in global terms). The US and Europe are very dependent on oil, therefore they do not pressurise the producing countries to change their policies, because they don’t want to “offend” them. But, at the same time, it’s those resources which finance, for instance, the construction of buildings in Luanda and other projects. However, the areas of production must be diversified.

But that’s exactly the government’s official discourse, although, in practice the results are still below expectations.

That’s the opinion of the analysts. Sometimes money speaks louder.

Were these the values the old liberation movements fought for?

At the Accra Conference (the first Conference of African Peoples, in Ghana, which reunited leaders such as Patrice Lumumba and Kwame Nkrumah, in 1958) the delegates were very optimistic in relation to Africa’s capacity to institute truly democratic regimes and avoid civil wars. Nobody expected this underdevelopment and authoritarianism. But there was no tradition of opposition and the European governments, and above all the Portuguese, didn’t develop the population’s analytical capacity. However, if we look retrospectively to the years I’ve been in Angola (1962, 1984,1992, and now), I would say that some things are evolving in a very constructive way, that time will heal the wounds and education will be expanded. Human beings want to be free and that’s what will prevail. But it won’t be easy.

MISS LANDMINE ANGOLA - UPDATE

Augusta Urica, one of the two crowned “Miss Landmine Angola 2008” on April 2nd this year, has been talking of her disappointment at the broken promises, namely that she would be awarded “a house, a car and a brand new custom-made prosthesis,” by the competition organisers.

In a recent interview to the Portuguese news agency, Lusa, Augusta, the winner of the jury’s vote, expressed her sadness and frustration at the impossibility, as the year almost draws to a close, of fulfilling her own promises to help other surviving victims of landmines during her “reign”, as the winners of conventional beauty pageants usually do because, unlike them, she wasn’t given so far all she was made to believe she was entitled to.

“I would like to visit the orthopaedic centres, but I cannot do that empty-handed. People are always expecting something and that is complicated. I live in a poor peripheral neighbourhood of Luanda (Morro Bento) in rented accomodation and would like to have my own house, but the money I received (5,300 dollars) is not enough to buy a plot to build one, so I’m keeping it in the bank. I sometimes don’t even have money for transport,” she complained.

LUANDA DESAPARECIDA

Avenida dos Restauradores

Calcada de Sao Miguel

Rua Pereira Forjaz

Mercado da Caponte

Postais da serie "Luanda Antiga" editados na decada de 80, em Luanda, pela UNAP - Uniao Nacional dos Artistas Plasticos

[E'... os edificios, incluindo os mercados, morrem... seja de morte morrida ou de morte matada... independentemente dos 'tempos historicos']

KINAXIXE (R.I.P.)

Desde a minha ultima morada em Luanda, no Largo do Kinaxixi, tenho vivido, entre outros lugares, naquela que pode, seguramente, ser considerada a cidade mais conservadora do mundo: Londres. Uma das manifestacoes desse conservadorismo e’ a forma como o planeamento, a edificacao, a arquitectura e o ambiente construido ('the built environment’ e’ uma disciplina que aqui tem uma faculdade inteira de pelo menos uma universidade a ela dedicada) sao levados muito a serio. Esta e’ uma cidade tradicionalmente construida extensiva e horizontalmente (por oposicao a intensiva e verticalmente) e onde as normas de construcao, manutencao e reconstrucao dos edificios sao para ser respeitadas a risca, desde os materiais usados (por norma o tijolo de tons entre o ocre, o castanho e o vermelho), a altura (basicamente, pode dizer-se que qualquer proposta de construcao de um edificio mais alto que o Big Ben e’ severamente escrutinizada e muitissimo raramente aprovada), sob pena de os edificios infractores poderem vir a ser demolidos, por mais dispendiosos, vistosos ou funcionais que se apresentem e por mais famosos e conceituados que sejam os arquitectos ou engenheiros neles envolvidos. As excepcoes mais notorias a essas regras sao as torres de habitacao social construidas nas decadas de 60 e 70 do seculo XX, em varias areas da cidade, para suprir as necessidades habitacionais criadas pelo crescimento populacional provocado pelo baby boom do post-Segunda Guerra Mundial, muitas das quais, entretanto, ja’ foram demolidas ou estao em vias disso.

No entanto, e precisamente por ser levada tao a serio, a implementacao das politicas de manutencao da arquitectura tradicional da cidade nao e’ deixada simplesmente ao sabor dos ventos, mares e calemas, ou aos caprichos, interesses, fantasias e preconceitos politico-ideologicos dos que podem gritar mais alto. Pelo contrario, existem organismos centrais e locais especificamente encarregues de velar pelo respeito dessas politicas, as quais sao definidas por leis e regulamentos, entre os quais se destaca um sistema de listagem e graduacao de acordo com estritos criterios de localizacao, significacao historica e valencia cultural, que impede que determinados edificios sejam construidos em determinados locais ou que outros possam ser estruturalmente alterados ou demolidos. Mas, em ultima instancia, o sucesso da implementacao dessas politicas depende, como em qualquer outro caso, da presenca, ou ausencia, de determinados factores, quer de ordem endogena (e.g. a nao degradacao dos edificios para la’ de qualquer possibilidade de reabilitacao), quer de ordem exogena (e.g. a ausencia de catastrofes, sejam elas naturais, ou provocadas, como guerras).

A existencia e a defesa de tais politicas de conservacao nao impede, todavia, que a arquitectura da cidade se adapte a novas necessidades economicas, tendencias arquitectonicas e/ou realidades socio-culturais, pelo que projectos ineditos e inovadores sao ocasionalmente aprovados. Assim, embora dificilmente se venha a ver algo tao dramatico como a piramide de vidro adjacente ao Louvre, em Paris, ser construido nas imediacoes, digamos, do Buckingham Palace, ha’ alguns edificios, embora se possam contar praticamente pelos dedos de uma mao, que ao longo das ultimas decadas teem conseguido, com sucesso, quebrar os moldes do landscape londrino e impor-se como landmarks na skyline da cidade, e.g. o Centre Point (este embora, nos ultimos tempos, marcado para demolicao por ter deixado de se coadunar com os principios e valencias socio-culturais que inicialmente garantiram a sua edificacao), o Gherkhin, a BT Tower, ou o conjunto do Canary Wharf.

Mas, voltando ao Kinaxixe (refiro-me aqui ao edificio demolido nos ultimos dias e nao ao espaco geografico do Kinaxixi que historica e culturalmente lhe antecede), em texto que escrevi por altura do anuncio, ha’ cerca de quatro anos, dos planos da sua transformacao (texto esse de que ainda ando a procura e que o facto de ate’ agora nao o ter encontrado me sugere que talvez o tenha publicado como comentario num sitio como o Angonoticias, ou numa das networks ou foruns de discussao em que na altura ocasionalmente participava), manifestei duas preocupacoes fundamentais: uma com o futuro da/os vendedora/es que nele ganhavam a sua vida e outra com o destino que se lhe pretendia dar, ou seja, a sua transformacao num shopping centre. Em relacao a primeira, sugeria que, caso a/os vendedora/es tivessem mesmo que ser evacuados do mercado, que os compensassem devidamente, quer com locais alternativos para a continuacao dos seus negocios, quer financeiramente, para que pudessem, caso assim o decidissem, recorrer a outras formas de ganhar a sua vida. Em relacao a segunda, sugeria que o Kinaxixe fosse transformado num mercado como o Covent Garden de Londres.

O Covent Garden e’ um mercado tradicional londrino que, durante grande parte da sua historia de pelo menos 3 seculos, era exclusivamente um mercado de flores, frutas e vegetais mas, com a crescente tercializacao da economia, a transformacao do local em que se encontra numa zona menos residencial e mais de servicos e de lazer e a gradual satisfacao das necessidades alimentares dos residentes locais por super-mercados, restaurantes e lojas de conveniencia (onde, by the way, o bife de atum e’ consideravelmente mais caro e melhor apreciado do que o R