Showing posts with label MALCOLM X. Show all posts
Showing posts with label MALCOLM X. Show all posts

Friday, 21 November 2008

"E Se........................?"

Totalmente "a desproposito" e extemporaneamente, breve referencia a este artigo de Luzia Moniz, publicado na edicao #292 de 22-29/11/2008 do Semanario Angolense:*



* [Por curiosidade, nao so', mas tambem, porque essa nao foi de facto "a primeira replica ao artigo matricial" - alias, e perdoe-se-me a "presuncao", tenho muitas razoes - mas especialmente o uso que nele fez do "sejamos claros" (que e' tambem como dizia, entre outros pre-datados, um certo alto espirita: "o problema que estamos com ele"...), que usei neste artigo, datado de 07/11/08, em relacao a questao central do "significado racial da vitoria de Obama" - para supor que o artigo de MC, publicado uma semana depois, nao tera' sido assim tao "matricial" quanto a primeira vista parecera', mas... como soi dizer-se, presuncao e agua benta cada um toma a que quer...), daquela mesma edicao decidi seleccionar um outro artigo que aqui entao postei - do que me viria a arrepender seriamente! E' que na altura ainda "nao sabia bem o que me esperava"!... E ja' agora: porque sera' que tambem nao 'reclamam' de o artigo da Luzia Moniz nao ter sido reproduzido na Africa 21?! ... Claramente Dois Pesos e Duas Medidas!!! Ai complexos, complexos... E se............. ?!]

"Comentario 1": Este blog nao so' nao e', nem se pretende, um "orgao de comunicacao social" formal ou "caixa de ressonancia" de tudo quanto e' publicado na imprensa lusofona ou de qualquer outro espaco linguistico ou geografico, como tambem nao e' patrocinado pelo Departamento de Estado Norte-Americano, estando a sua autora muito longe de ser representante da "comunidade internacional", ou porta-voz de Hillary Clinton ou de Assuncao dos Anjos [cujos governos se encontram actualmente engajados na estruturacao da sua "parceria estrategica" -- assunto que seria muito 'mais propositado', 'menos extemporaneo' e mais 'audaz' de ser tratado (e o que se segue nada tem a ver com a Luzia Moniz) por certas aspirantes a opinion makers nos orgaos de comunicacao social formal, mas que, quais elefantas numa loja de fina porcelana, nao conseguem passar de intriguistas irresponsaveis e copy-pasters e recyclers (para pior, excepto talvez no seu rebuscado e arcaico portugues de Camoes, o qual obviamente devem 'a sua "genuina portugalidade" ...), do (pouco!) que leem na diagonal nas introducoes e contracapas de livros alheios e das ideias, opinioes, informacoes, temas, debates, enfim, praticamente tudo que e' postado neste blog (excepto, obviamente, assuntos como "Viriato da Cruz e o PNCA", pois esses perigariam fatalmente os seus contratos de cooptacao actuais ou prospectivos com o poder!) - que aqui venhem, quais vultas famintas e piranhas mercenarias ensandecidas, todos os dias larapiar e rapinar a sorrelfa e a socapa!...] e, mais ainda, de se prestar a ser "comentarista" dos comentarios cobardemente nao assumidos ao que aqui e' publicado - excepto quando serias questoes eticas sao suscitadas por tais comentarios, nao apenas por isso, mas sobretudo por serem precisamente comentarios sistematicamente viciosos, insidiosos, dolosos, viperinos, traiçoeiros, raivosos, ofensivos, destrutivos, ameacadores, terroristas e, acima de tudo, remunerados (!) e nao provocados (!), em orgaos de comunicacao social formal!

"Comentario 2": Se ha' algum consolo de tudo isso, e' que pelo menos parecem estar a evoluir (ainda que apenas "a força", so' ate' ver e na maior parte so' para dizer disparates...): de cegueira partidaria para "independencia partidaria"... da intolerancia do convem sabermos sempre o que nos espera para "saudacoes especiais no dia internacional da tolerancia" e "o elogio do opinion maker"... do "intelectual revolucionario" ao "public intellectual", do poder popular e do 'voto nao secreto' para as "revolucoes tranquilas"... de Malcolm X, Marx e Said para Chomsky, Popper e Levi-Strauss... de etimologia para "epistemologia" e, pasme-se (!) ... de ideologia para "ciencia"!
Good, very good indeed!

Continuem a estagiar aqui, que um dia talvez cheguem la'... So' nao se esqueçam, mais uma vez, de creditar "a Sra. Professora" que, assim, aqui vai contribuindo incansavelmente para a "libertaçao das raparigas das amarras da discriminaçao a que sao votadas" !

Post Relacionado:

"E Se os Paises Africanos Fossem os EUA?"

(publicado aqui a 16/11/08 e referido aqui a 19/11/08).

Totalmente "a desproposito" e extemporaneamente, breve referencia a este artigo de Luzia Moniz, publicado na edicao #292 de 22-29/11/2008 do Semanario Angolense:*



* [Por curiosidade, nao so', mas tambem, porque essa nao foi de facto "a primeira replica ao artigo matricial" - alias, e perdoe-se-me a "presuncao", tenho muitas razoes - mas especialmente o uso que nele fez do "sejamos claros" (que e' tambem como dizia, entre outros pre-datados, um certo alto espirita: "o problema que estamos com ele"...), que usei neste artigo, datado de 07/11/08, em relacao a questao central do "significado racial da vitoria de Obama" - para supor que o artigo de MC, publicado uma semana depois, nao tera' sido assim tao "matricial" quanto a primeira vista parecera', mas... como soi dizer-se, presuncao e agua benta cada um toma a que quer...), daquela mesma edicao decidi seleccionar um outro artigo que aqui entao postei - do que me viria a arrepender seriamente! E' que na altura ainda "nao sabia bem o que me esperava"!... E ja' agora: porque sera' que tambem nao 'reclamam' de o artigo da Luzia Moniz nao ter sido reproduzido na Africa 21?! ... Claramente Dois Pesos e Duas Medidas!!! Ai complexos, complexos... E se............. ?!]

"Comentario 1": Este blog nao so' nao e', nem se pretende, um "orgao de comunicacao social" formal ou "caixa de ressonancia" de tudo quanto e' publicado na imprensa lusofona ou de qualquer outro espaco linguistico ou geografico, como tambem nao e' patrocinado pelo Departamento de Estado Norte-Americano, estando a sua autora muito longe de ser representante da "comunidade internacional", ou porta-voz de Hillary Clinton ou de Assuncao dos Anjos [cujos governos se encontram actualmente engajados na estruturacao da sua "parceria estrategica" -- assunto que seria muito 'mais propositado', 'menos extemporaneo' e mais 'audaz' de ser tratado (e o que se segue nada tem a ver com a Luzia Moniz) por certas aspirantes a opinion makers nos orgaos de comunicacao social formal, mas que, quais elefantas numa loja de fina porcelana, nao conseguem passar de intriguistas irresponsaveis e copy-pasters e recyclers (para pior, excepto talvez no seu rebuscado e arcaico portugues de Camoes, o qual obviamente devem 'a sua "genuina portugalidade" ...), do (pouco!) que leem na diagonal nas introducoes e contracapas de livros alheios e das ideias, opinioes, informacoes, temas, debates, enfim, praticamente tudo que e' postado neste blog (excepto, obviamente, assuntos como "Viriato da Cruz e o PNCA", pois esses perigariam fatalmente os seus contratos de cooptacao actuais ou prospectivos com o poder!) - que aqui venhem, quais vultas famintas e piranhas mercenarias ensandecidas, todos os dias larapiar e rapinar a sorrelfa e a socapa!...] e, mais ainda, de se prestar a ser "comentarista" dos comentarios cobardemente nao assumidos ao que aqui e' publicado - excepto quando serias questoes eticas sao suscitadas por tais comentarios, nao apenas por isso, mas sobretudo por serem precisamente comentarios sistematicamente viciosos, insidiosos, dolosos, viperinos, traiçoeiros, raivosos, ofensivos, destrutivos, ameacadores, terroristas e, acima de tudo, remunerados (!) e nao provocados (!), em orgaos de comunicacao social formal!

"Comentario 2": Se ha' algum consolo de tudo isso, e' que pelo menos parecem estar a evoluir (ainda que apenas "a força", so' ate' ver e na maior parte so' para dizer disparates...): de cegueira partidaria para "independencia partidaria"... da intolerancia do convem sabermos sempre o que nos espera para "saudacoes especiais no dia internacional da tolerancia" e "o elogio do opinion maker"... do "intelectual revolucionario" ao "public intellectual", do poder popular e do 'voto nao secreto' para as "revolucoes tranquilas"... de Malcolm X, Marx e Said para Chomsky, Popper e Levi-Strauss... de etimologia para "epistemologia" e, pasme-se (!) ... de ideologia para "ciencia"!
Good, very good indeed!

Continuem a estagiar aqui, que um dia talvez cheguem la'... So' nao se esqueçam, mais uma vez, de creditar "a Sra. Professora" que, assim, aqui vai contribuindo incansavelmente para a "libertaçao das raparigas das amarras da discriminaçao a que sao votadas" !

Post Relacionado:

"E Se os Paises Africanos Fossem os EUA?"

(publicado aqui a 16/11/08 e referido aqui a 19/11/08).

Friday, 7 November 2008

BREVES NOTAS SOBRE “O SIGNIFICADO RACIAL DA VITORIA DE OBAMA” (*)

1. Ja’ aqui referi algumas vezes a minha conviccao de que a raca e o(s) racismo(s) dela derivado(s) sao um “constructo ideologico datado no tempo historico” cujo principal objectivo e’ a construcao de hierarquias sociais. E’, portanto, com bastante interesse que venho observando a forma como a “raca” de Obama tem sido ‘construida’ e ‘desconstruida’ em diferentes contextos sociais durante a longa campanha para a Presidencia Americana que acaba de ter como desfecho a sua vitoria.

Nao sendo sociologa ou antropologa – disciplinas que, em principio, mais se centram nesse tipo de analise –, as conclusoes que retiro das minhas observacoes baseam-se, por um lado, nas minhas proprias experiencias individuais e, por outro lado, nos instrumentos de analise historica que me permitem aferir que qualquer tentativa de extrapolacao de uma determinada realidade historico-social e economica para outra sera’, no minimo, um exercicio especulativo mal avisado, particularmente se desprovido de salvaguardas analiticas previas assentes numa solida base de evidencia empirica.

2. Tambem ja’ aqui mencionei a importancia de se ter em mente, quando se tenta “analisar” Obama e a sua vitoria do ponto de vista racial, a diferenca fundamental entre o constructo raca/racismo nos EUA e o mesmo constructo noutros contextos historicos, nomeadamente no ‘mundo lusofono’. Essa diferenca resume-se basicamente a dois factores principais:

i) Nos EUA ‘construiram-se’ de inicio essencialmente tres grupos racicos – o branco, o negro e o indio, ou amerindio – sendo que o ultimo, por ter sido quase completamente dizimado ou miscigenado, “passou tendencialmente a historia” como um grupo “indigena” (notem-se as semelhancas e dissemelhancas entre o apelativo “indigena” no contexto americano e no contexto colonial portugues, e.g. “O Estatuto Indigena” no quadro da politica assimilacionista em Angola; note-se tambem esta discussao da "questao indigena" nos EUA, que ja aqui havia anteriormente postado).

Ao longo da historia americana, verificaram-se varios graus e combinacoes de miscigenacao racial entre esses grupos, mas a ‘bitola de construcao social’ ao longo de linhas raciais foi estabelecida institucionalmente com base no principio do “one drop rule”, de acordo com o qual alguem que tivesse uma gota de sangue negro nao poderia ter qualquer outra classificacao socio-racial que nao a de “negro” (note-se tambem aqui que a designacao “mulato”, por ser derivada de “mula” no contexto escravocrata, assumiu historicamente uma conotacao altamente pejorativa nos EUA, ao contrario do que se passa no ‘mundo lusofono’ - veja-se o filme Sankofa, de Haile Gerima, para um notavel tratamento desta questao).

A designacao “negro”, por sua vez, sofreu varias alteracoes ao longo da historia americana, tendo-se mantido como a designacao de consenso para os “nao brancos” ou “indigenas” ate’ meados da decada de 60 do seculo passado, sendo substituida naquele consenso por “black” (muito por conta do mestico Malcolm X, como aqui 'poemiza' o mestico Gil Scott-Heron, e dos Black Panthers, que tinham uma lideranca predominantemente mestica, como a imagem de Angela Davis lembrara' a muita gente, e tambem dos negros Nina Simone e James Brown que a popularizaram com a cancao "Say It Loud: I'm Black and I'm Proud!") entre finais daquela decada e finais da de 80 e, finalmente, pela de “afro-americano” ate’ aos dias de hoje, embora estas duas ultimas continuem a coexistir em varios contextos e tambem se venha notando nos ultimos tempos a ‘ascensao’ de designacoes como brown e bi-racial por alguns mesticos (o termo coloured, ou of colour, embora tambem usado, nunca chegou a ser tao consensual nos EUA como na Africa do Sul). Nas adicoes de varias proveniencias ao melting pot Americano, outros grupos se foram juntando e inter-relacionando e igualmente se definindo de acordo com as suas origens (e.g. “afro-latino”, “latino-americano”, “hispano-americano”, etc.).

No entanto, sendo a America fundamentalmente a terra da “livre competicao economica” e da “igualdade de oportunidades” que consubstanciam o mitico “American Dream” e sao consagrados na Constituicao dos EUA sob o espirito de "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal", este constructo ideologico-doutrinario cedo entrou em choque e em competicao com aquele outro constructo da formacao de hierarquias sociais com base exclusivamente na raca. E’ neste contexto que se situam as varias lutas, primeiro contra o esclavismo, depois contra o segregacionismo e mais tarde pelos direitos civico-politicos dos negros americanos, os quais sempre contaram com a adesao e o apoio, directa ou indirectamente, de segmentos, maiores ou menores, de outros grupos racicos, nomeadamente brancos, senao por razoes estritamente ideologico-doutrinarias, seguramente por razoes economicas, expressas de forma mais ou menos explicita em determinados momentos historicos, dos quais o papel economico da escravatura na genese, alinhamentos racicos e desfecho da Guerra Civil Americana e' o exemplo mais emblematico.

Assim, nao sera’ inteiramente por acaso que o actual estado da economia americana e da economia global, atribuido quase inteiramente a administracao Republicana dos ultimos 8 anos, contribuiu decisivamente para galvanizar a maioria do eleitorado americano a volta de um candidato Democrata que, por acaso, e’ negro, ou afro-americano, como se preferir, que soube apresentar as propostas mais crediveis para a resolucao da crise actual (passando pela adopcao dos passos necessarios ao termino da guerra no Iraque, contra a qual ele foi o unico candidato que se manifestou desde o inicio). Que essa vitoria se tenha tambem “construido” como uma “vitoria da raca sobre o genero” nao deixa de ser interessante, mas constitui questao para outra discussao.

ii) A historia da formacao de hierarquias sociais com base no constructo raca/racismo noutros contextos historicos, e particularmente no ‘mundo lusofono’, assume claramente contornos bastante distintos do caso americano. Em primeiro lugar e fundamentalmente, porque nao foi institucionalmente adoptado o “one drop rule” e a hierarquia social entre os “nao brancos” foi institucionalmente mais claramente definida, assumida e implementada pelo poder colonial ao longo dos varios graus de miscigenacao entre brancos e negros dando lugar a varios grupos: desde os “cafusos”, ou “pardos”, aos “mulatos” e aos “cabritos”. Ou seja, foi instituida, em vez do “one drop rule”, a regra do “divide and rule”.

Mas, talvez mais determinante do lugar social de cada um desses grupos, foi instituida uma maior rigidez estrutural em termos de mobilidade social e economica comparativamente aos EUA, a qual se tornou ainda mais dificil de transpor pelos grupos mais proximos do “estatuto de indigena” (ou seja, a maioria da populacao - e aqui estou a pensar particularmente no caso de Angola), por razoes de ordem historica, cultural, tribal e etno-linguistica dos paises em questao.

Isso num contexto em que, contrariamente ao constructo doutrinario-ideologico do “American Dream” em que, em principio, qualquer individuo, independentemente das suas origens, poderia assumir qualquer posicao social desde que seguisse as “regras do jogo” da politica do integracionismo, nas nossas sociedades o lugar social do individuo continuava a ser determinado por uma hierarquia baseada na “raca”, na “tribo” e na “etnia”, mesmo quando os individuos tivessem passado “todos os testes” da politica assimilacionista (ou, como soi dizer-se em certos tugurios lusosfericos, continuavam a ter que tirar os sapatos para poderem contar ate' 12 e a cair das copas das arvores mesmo depois de terem passado por universidades...).

E essa realidade ainda esta’ presente nos dias de hoje nas nossas sociedades, senao estritamente em termos politico-ideologicos e da simbologia do poder, certamente em termos socio-culturais e economicos (a nao confundir aqui o desiderato, ainda por satisfazer, de se criarem mecanismos efectivos de distribuicao dos rendimentos nacionais por todos os segmentos populacionais, com as fortunas, grandes ou pequenas, adquiridas em alguns casos ilicitamente, por alguns membros das elites ditas “predadoras” ou “endocoloniais” associadas ao poder do periodo post-independencias).

Mas, tal como nos EUA, e essa talvez seja a maior semelhanca entre os dois contextos, outros grupos coexistiram com os grupos raciais basicos da construcao social colonial, integrando-se socio-cuturalmente, contudo, segundo criterios igualmente hierarquicos, nos quais se situavam os chamados “brancos de segunda”, os “indianos” e, interessantemente, os “cabo-verdianos”, entre alguns outros.

3. Ora, das consideracoes anteriores segue-se que, como acima notei, sera’ sempre desavisado tentar-se transpor o “significado da vitoria de Obama” nos EUA, para outros contextos historico-sociais, e particularmente para o ‘mundo lusofono’, com base na sua “constituicao”, ou “construcao”, racial, pelas seguintes razoes fundamentais:

i) Em primeiro lugar, porque os mecanismos de ascencao politica e de obtencao do poder nos EUA sao drasticamente diferentes, em termos tanto constitucionais, como institucionais e ideologicos, dos que vigoram de forma geral nos nossos paises, e muito particularmente nos paises Africanos que adoptaram estrategias de inspiracao marxista durante a luta anti-colonial e no seu post-independencia;

ii) Em segundo lugar, porque a experiencia da America enquanto colonia foi relativamente curta e em moldes bastante diversos dos que marcaram a experiencia colonial Africana (o que a torna, por exemplo, mais similar a experiencia do Brasil do que a de outros espacos do ‘mundo lusofono’);

iii) Em terceiro lugar, porque ao longo dos seculos de debate, formulacao e reformulacao do “lugar social da raca” nos EUA, uma questao que ficou estabelecida com bastante clareza, e ela deriva grandemente dos principios da liberdade individual e dos direitos humanos que integram o “American Dream” (claro que assumido aqui como apenas isso mesmo – um sonho, um ideal – mas um sonho, um ideal que a historia dos EUA tem largamente vindicado, sendo a vitoria de Obama apenas o ultimo exemplo disso mesmo), e’ que se ha’ algo fundamentalmente errado com o “constructo raca/racismo” e’ que ele constitui a definicao de uma parte da raca humana por outra, nomeadamente a dos grupos dominados pelos grupos dominadores, particularmente na sequencia da gesta dos “descobrimentos” (note-se como esta questao de to be defined by others e’ abordada numa mensagem que John Lennon le numa discussao sobre o termo “nigger” cujo link coloquei nos comentarios a este post) .

E e’ fundamentalmente isso que, quanto a mim, torna as tentativas de definicao de Obama como “mulato” (note-se, mais uma vez, a carga pejorativa desta designacao nos EUA) e de reivindicacao da sua vitoria por determinados grupos raciais nos nossos paises, tao ofensivo quanto perturbador. Desde logo porque quando se tenta "dissecar" a sua composicao genetica como se de um especimen de laboratorio se tratasse, deve ter-se em conta que, tal como ele afirmou em varias ocasioes, mas mais enfaticamente no seu discurso sobre a raca nos EUA, "A America e' mais do que a soma das suas partes", qualquer ser humano e' tambem muito mais do que a mera soma das suas partes. Depois porque ele proprio, se alguma vez se definiu em termos racicos – e num contexto de anti-racismo e de defesa das liberdades fundamentais do individuo essa e’ a unica definicao que realmente conta e deve contar e ser respeitada – fe-lo como “negro”, ou como “afro-americano”, assumindo nessa definicao toda a complexidade do seu background familiar e individual, como filho de pai negro-africano e de mae branca (naturalmente de ascendencia europeia, como o sao todos os brancos a face da terra…), de nome arabe, criado no Hawai por avos brancos, estudado na Indonesia, mas… crescido e amadurecido, casado e socializado cultural, religiosa e politicamente no seio da comunidade negra americana.

Isto e’, ele define-se por relacao a sua propria experiencia politica e socio-cultural e nao necessariamente por oposicao a de outros (tambem como eu propria o fiz a minha maneira, muito contra a corrente diga-se, neste artigo...), mesmo porque, como ele proprio afirmou no contexto da maka sobre o Reverendo Wright (alguem que, note-se, tal como Colin Powell por exemplo, no ‘mundo lusofono’ seria classificado e socializado como “cabrito”, mas que nos EUA nao contempla classificar-se de outro modo senao como “negro”): “eu nao o posso renegar, tal como nao posso renegar a minha avo branca em quem, apesar de me ter criado, observei manifestacoes de preconceito racial em relacao ao negro”. Ora, essa definicao “por si proprio” e nao “por outros” ou “contra outros” foi essencialmente o que lhe permitiu ser apelativo a praticamente todos os grupos racicos nos EUA e um pouco por todo o mundo e e’ o que torna a sua vitoria tao bonita!

Porque quererao entao alguns, particularmente se em sociedades completamente distintas dos EUA, estragar essa beleza tentando aplicar-lhe criterios de definicao racica que lhe sao completamente estranhos e, pior ainda, tentar reivindicar a sua vitoria como uma bandeira exclusiva de um particular grupo racico, o dos auto-definidos “mulatos” no ‘mundo lusofono’, quando a propria designacao “mulato” constituiria para si uma ofensa, quanto mais nao seja porque a sua miscigenacao nao derivou do particular contexto historico em que essa designacao foi adoptada nos EUA, isto e’ a escravatura, o que alias lhe mereceu o relativo alheamento, quando nao aberta hostilidade, de alguns segmentos da comunidade afro-americana descendente de escravos, nao apenas mas sobretudo porque ele proprio e' descendente pelo lado materno de donos de escravos? Mas nao seria apenas a designacao “mulato” que tenho poucas duvidas ele regeitaria (quanto muito, aceitaria mais facilmente a designacao geralmente adoptada nos EUA para os mesticos: “mixed-race”), como tambem a de “branco” que alguns no 'mundo lusofono' tambem lhe pretendem “a viva forca” aplicar pelo facto de ter nascido de mae branca…

Ou seja, continua-se em alguns sectores do ‘mundo lusofono’ a pensar a “raca” ainda em termos hierarquicos (sendo bastante elucidativo disto o modo como alguns nesse mundo equacionam a questao em termos de "racismo de cima para baixo e de baixo para cima" - estando "em cima" o branco e "em baixo" o negro, com o mestico "no meio"...), de tal modo que, aparentemente para tais sectores, a forma como Obama se auto-identifica parece nao ter qualquer importancia, ou mesmo como se a forma como ele se posiciona ‘racicamente’ nao tivesse tido qualquer relevancia para a sua eleicao: sejamos claros, se ele se identificasse social e culturalmente como “mulato”, ou como “branco”, nao so’ seria ridicularizado, ostensiva ou dissimuladamente, pelos brancos americanos, como dificilmente teria obtido o voto maioritario do grupo “afro-americano”, o qual, como de resto se observou nas manifestacoes de voto nos estagios iniciais da campanha, inclui segmentos que teriam preferido votar noutro candidato, independentemente da sua raca ou genero e que, sendo embora minoritario, foi decisivo para a sua vitoria - particularmente nas primarias e sua consequente nomeacao como candidato pelo partido Democrata.

Grupo “afro-americano” esse onde, nunca e’ demais repeti-lo, se incluem todos os nao-brancos desde que tenham uma gota de sangue negro. E, se e’ certo que o "one drop rule" foi inicialmente uma criacao do grupo dominante branco nos EUA com motivacoes racistas, nao e’ menos certo que ele foi apropriado, internalizado e socializado historicamente pelos “afro-americanos” que – ao contrario, nunca e’ demais nota-lo, do que se passou e em grande medida ainda se passa nas ex-colonias portuguesas onde se instituiu uma diferenciacao racica hierarquizante de acordo com os varios tons de pele entre negros e brancos – partilharam ao longo de seculos em condicoes de igualdade tanto a discriminacao racial contra si (vide o caso da 'cabrita' Rosa Parks), como as oportunidades sociais, politicas e economicas que souberam conquistar para si (vide o caso da 'negra' Oprah Winfrey) como um unico grupo racico, pesem embora as clivagens e friccoes que tambem existem no seu seio, originadas, directa ou indirectamente, pelos diferentes tons de pele entre si (particularmente entre as mulheres, como quem tenha ouvido atentamente uma celebre conversa entre mulheres “negras” no filme Jungle Fever de Spike Lee tera’ notado; note-se tambem a este respeito a controversia gerada, especialmente no seio da comunidade afro-americana, quando a dada altura Tiger Woods decidiu regeitar a designacao “black” e se auto-definir como cablasian, ou seja uma mistura de caucasian, black e asian), mas, mais marcadamente, pelas diferencas culturais entre os que sao descendentes de escravos na America e os que para la’ emigraram ou foram estudar em decadas mais recentes provindos de Africa, entre os quais se inclui o pai de Obama (e, neste contexto, o casamento de Obama com Michelle pode ser visto tambem como uma ‘alianca’ entre esses dois grupos, a qual tera' tambem porventura contribuido para atrair os votos dos descendentes de escravos), sendo igualmente importante notar que o relativo esbatimento, quando nao completa obliteracao, das diferencas tribais e etnico-linguisticas no contexto americano tambem contribuiu de forma decisiva para essa relativa equidade de status social, politico e economico entre os nao-brancos de origem africana.

Mas talvez o elemento mais perturbador na forma como a vitoria de Obama tem sido entendida por alguns segmentos do ‘mundo lusofono’ (para alem da tendencia de se classificarem algumas das experiencias politicas, sociais e economicas post-coloniais e post-apartheid menos positivas como “racismo intra-racico” ou “endocolonialismo”, numa lamentavel tentativa de se “redimir” de algum modo o colonialismo e o apartheid e, em ultima analise, o proprio racismo que eles “construiram” – como se os 30 a 50 anos das independencias africanas, ou os menos de 20 anos desde o fim do apartheid, nao constituissem apenas um decimo ou menos da duracao do colonialismo e do apartheid no contexto da formacao e evolucao de novas sociedades, ou como se, por serem negros, uma vez no poder os negros nao pudessem ter problemas entre si e estivessem isentos de cometer erros, quer herdados ou induzidos por outros, quer de criacao propria – nao se contribuindo com tal postura de forma positiva e constructiva para a constituicao de aliancas e coligacoes sociais “apesar e para alem da raca” que possam efectivamente ultrapassar e prevenir tais experiencias menos positivas nas nossas sociedades, com vista a criacao de um futuro melhor que possa ser partilhado por todos), e’ a implicacao de que, ainda pensando em termos da “raca como constructo ideologico criador de hierarquias sociais”, de algum modo tratar-se Obama como “negro”, em vez de “mulato” ou “branco”, constitui uma ofensa, uma diminuicao, uma humilhacao, enfim, um “denegrimento” e, mais tristemente ainda, motivo de ressentimento para os que se consideram “nao negros”…

Bom, a designacao destas notas como “breves”, pelo que ja’ vai escrito, faz-me parar por aqui, sendo certo que muito mais ha’ ainda a dizer sobre a questao.

(*) Estas notas foram-me sugeridas, entre outras observacoes e leituras de reaccoes a vitoria de Obama, por esta serie e por este post no blog "Diario de Um Sociologo".


Post relacionado:

Ecos da Vitoria de Obama no SA
1. Ja’ aqui referi algumas vezes a minha conviccao de que a raca e o(s) racismo(s) dela derivado(s) sao um “constructo ideologico datado no tempo historico” cujo principal objectivo e’ a construcao de hierarquias sociais. E’, portanto, com bastante interesse que venho observando a forma como a “raca” de Obama tem sido ‘construida’ e ‘desconstruida’ em diferentes contextos sociais durante a longa campanha para a Presidencia Americana que acaba de ter como desfecho a sua vitoria.

Nao sendo sociologa ou antropologa – disciplinas que, em principio, mais se centram nesse tipo de analise –, as conclusoes que retiro das minhas observacoes baseam-se, por um lado, nas minhas proprias experiencias individuais e, por outro lado, nos instrumentos de analise historica que me permitem aferir que qualquer tentativa de extrapolacao de uma determinada realidade historico-social e economica para outra sera’, no minimo, um exercicio especulativo mal avisado, particularmente se desprovido de salvaguardas analiticas previas assentes numa solida base de evidencia empirica.

2. Tambem ja’ aqui mencionei a importancia de se ter em mente, quando se tenta “analisar” Obama e a sua vitoria do ponto de vista racial, a diferenca fundamental entre o constructo raca/racismo nos EUA e o mesmo constructo noutros contextos historicos, nomeadamente no ‘mundo lusofono’. Essa diferenca resume-se basicamente a dois factores principais:

i) Nos EUA ‘construiram-se’ de inicio essencialmente tres grupos racicos – o branco, o negro e o indio, ou amerindio – sendo que o ultimo, por ter sido quase completamente dizimado ou miscigenado, “passou tendencialmente a historia” como um grupo “indigena” (notem-se as semelhancas e dissemelhancas entre o apelativo “indigena” no contexto americano e no contexto colonial portugues, e.g. “O Estatuto Indigena” no quadro da politica assimilacionista em Angola; note-se tambem esta discussao da "questao indigena" nos EUA, que ja aqui havia anteriormente postado).

Ao longo da historia americana, verificaram-se varios graus e combinacoes de miscigenacao racial entre esses grupos, mas a ‘bitola de construcao social’ ao longo de linhas raciais foi estabelecida institucionalmente com base no principio do “one drop rule”, de acordo com o qual alguem que tivesse uma gota de sangue negro nao poderia ter qualquer outra classificacao socio-racial que nao a de “negro” (note-se tambem aqui que a designacao “mulato”, por ser derivada de “mula” no contexto escravocrata, assumiu historicamente uma conotacao altamente pejorativa nos EUA, ao contrario do que se passa no ‘mundo lusofono’ - veja-se o filme Sankofa, de Haile Gerima, para um notavel tratamento desta questao).

A designacao “negro”, por sua vez, sofreu varias alteracoes ao longo da historia americana, tendo-se mantido como a designacao de consenso para os “nao brancos” ou “indigenas” ate’ meados da decada de 60 do seculo passado, sendo substituida naquele consenso por “black” (muito por conta do mestico Malcolm X, como aqui 'poemiza' o mestico Gil Scott-Heron, e dos Black Panthers, que tinham uma lideranca predominantemente mestica, como a imagem de Angela Davis lembrara' a muita gente, e tambem dos negros Nina Simone e James Brown que a popularizaram com a cancao "Say It Loud: I'm Black and I'm Proud!") entre finais daquela decada e finais da de 80 e, finalmente, pela de “afro-americano” ate’ aos dias de hoje, embora estas duas ultimas continuem a coexistir em varios contextos e tambem se venha notando nos ultimos tempos a ‘ascensao’ de designacoes como brown e bi-racial por alguns mesticos (o termo coloured, ou of colour, embora tambem usado, nunca chegou a ser tao consensual nos EUA como na Africa do Sul). Nas adicoes de varias proveniencias ao melting pot Americano, outros grupos se foram juntando e inter-relacionando e igualmente se definindo de acordo com as suas origens (e.g. “afro-latino”, “latino-americano”, “hispano-americano”, etc.).

No entanto, sendo a America fundamentalmente a terra da “livre competicao economica” e da “igualdade de oportunidades” que consubstanciam o mitico “American Dream” e sao consagrados na Constituicao dos EUA sob o espirito de "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal", este constructo ideologico-doutrinario cedo entrou em choque e em competicao com aquele outro constructo da formacao de hierarquias sociais com base exclusivamente na raca. E’ neste contexto que se situam as varias lutas, primeiro contra o esclavismo, depois contra o segregacionismo e mais tarde pelos direitos civico-politicos dos negros americanos, os quais sempre contaram com a adesao e o apoio, directa ou indirectamente, de segmentos, maiores ou menores, de outros grupos racicos, nomeadamente brancos, senao por razoes estritamente ideologico-doutrinarias, seguramente por razoes economicas, expressas de forma mais ou menos explicita em determinados momentos historicos, dos quais o papel economico da escravatura na genese, alinhamentos racicos e desfecho da Guerra Civil Americana e' o exemplo mais emblematico.

Assim, nao sera’ inteiramente por acaso que o actual estado da economia americana e da economia global, atribuido quase inteiramente a administracao Republicana dos ultimos 8 anos, contribuiu decisivamente para galvanizar a maioria do eleitorado americano a volta de um candidato Democrata que, por acaso, e’ negro, ou afro-americano, como se preferir, que soube apresentar as propostas mais crediveis para a resolucao da crise actual (passando pela adopcao dos passos necessarios ao termino da guerra no Iraque, contra a qual ele foi o unico candidato que se manifestou desde o inicio). Que essa vitoria se tenha tambem “construido” como uma “vitoria da raca sobre o genero” nao deixa de ser interessante, mas constitui questao para outra discussao.

ii) A historia da formacao de hierarquias sociais com base no constructo raca/racismo noutros contextos historicos, e particularmente no ‘mundo lusofono’, assume claramente contornos bastante distintos do caso americano. Em primeiro lugar e fundamentalmente, porque nao foi institucionalmente adoptado o “one drop rule” e a hierarquia social entre os “nao brancos” foi institucionalmente mais claramente definida, assumida e implementada pelo poder colonial ao longo dos varios graus de miscigenacao entre brancos e negros dando lugar a varios grupos: desde os “cafusos”, ou “pardos”, aos “mulatos” e aos “cabritos”. Ou seja, foi instituida, em vez do “one drop rule”, a regra do “divide and rule”.

Mas, talvez mais determinante do lugar social de cada um desses grupos, foi instituida uma maior rigidez estrutural em termos de mobilidade social e economica comparativamente aos EUA, a qual se tornou ainda mais dificil de transpor pelos grupos mais proximos do “estatuto de indigena” (ou seja, a maioria da populacao - e aqui estou a pensar particularmente no caso de Angola), por razoes de ordem historica, cultural, tribal e etno-linguistica dos paises em questao.

Isso num contexto em que, contrariamente ao constructo doutrinario-ideologico do “American Dream” em que, em principio, qualquer individuo, independentemente das suas origens, poderia assumir qualquer posicao social desde que seguisse as “regras do jogo” da politica do integracionismo, nas nossas sociedades o lugar social do individuo continuava a ser determinado por uma hierarquia baseada na “raca”, na “tribo” e na “etnia”, mesmo quando os individuos tivessem passado “todos os testes” da politica assimilacionista (ou, como soi dizer-se em certos tugurios lusosfericos, continuavam a ter que tirar os sapatos para poderem contar ate' 12 e a cair das copas das arvores mesmo depois de terem passado por universidades...).

E essa realidade ainda esta’ presente nos dias de hoje nas nossas sociedades, senao estritamente em termos politico-ideologicos e da simbologia do poder, certamente em termos socio-culturais e economicos (a nao confundir aqui o desiderato, ainda por satisfazer, de se criarem mecanismos efectivos de distribuicao dos rendimentos nacionais por todos os segmentos populacionais, com as fortunas, grandes ou pequenas, adquiridas em alguns casos ilicitamente, por alguns membros das elites ditas “predadoras” ou “endocoloniais” associadas ao poder do periodo post-independencias).

Mas, tal como nos EUA, e essa talvez seja a maior semelhanca entre os dois contextos, outros grupos coexistiram com os grupos raciais basicos da construcao social colonial, integrando-se socio-cuturalmente, contudo, segundo criterios igualmente hierarquicos, nos quais se situavam os chamados “brancos de segunda”, os “indianos” e, interessantemente, os “cabo-verdianos”, entre alguns outros.

3. Ora, das consideracoes anteriores segue-se que, como acima notei, sera’ sempre desavisado tentar-se transpor o “significado da vitoria de Obama” nos EUA, para outros contextos historico-sociais, e particularmente para o ‘mundo lusofono’, com base na sua “constituicao”, ou “construcao”, racial, pelas seguintes razoes fundamentais:

i) Em primeiro lugar, porque os mecanismos de ascencao politica e de obtencao do poder nos EUA sao drasticamente diferentes, em termos tanto constitucionais, como institucionais e ideologicos, dos que vigoram de forma geral nos nossos paises, e muito particularmente nos paises Africanos que adoptaram estrategias de inspiracao marxista durante a luta anti-colonial e no seu post-independencia;

ii) Em segundo lugar, porque a experiencia da America enquanto colonia foi relativamente curta e em moldes bastante diversos dos que marcaram a experiencia colonial Africana (o que a torna, por exemplo, mais similar a experiencia do Brasil do que a de outros espacos do ‘mundo lusofono’);

iii) Em terceiro lugar, porque ao longo dos seculos de debate, formulacao e reformulacao do “lugar social da raca” nos EUA, uma questao que ficou estabelecida com bastante clareza, e ela deriva grandemente dos principios da liberdade individual e dos direitos humanos que integram o “American Dream” (claro que assumido aqui como apenas isso mesmo – um sonho, um ideal – mas um sonho, um ideal que a historia dos EUA tem largamente vindicado, sendo a vitoria de Obama apenas o ultimo exemplo disso mesmo), e’ que se ha’ algo fundamentalmente errado com o “constructo raca/racismo” e’ que ele constitui a definicao de uma parte da raca humana por outra, nomeadamente a dos grupos dominados pelos grupos dominadores, particularmente na sequencia da gesta dos “descobrimentos” (note-se como esta questao de to be defined by others e’ abordada numa mensagem que John Lennon le numa discussao sobre o termo “nigger” cujo link coloquei nos comentarios a este post) .

E e’ fundamentalmente isso que, quanto a mim, torna as tentativas de definicao de Obama como “mulato” (note-se, mais uma vez, a carga pejorativa desta designacao nos EUA) e de reivindicacao da sua vitoria por determinados grupos raciais nos nossos paises, tao ofensivo quanto perturbador. Desde logo porque quando se tenta "dissecar" a sua composicao genetica como se de um especimen de laboratorio se tratasse, deve ter-se em conta que, tal como ele afirmou em varias ocasioes, mas mais enfaticamente no seu discurso sobre a raca nos EUA, "A America e' mais do que a soma das suas partes", qualquer ser humano e' tambem muito mais do que a mera soma das suas partes. Depois porque ele proprio, se alguma vez se definiu em termos racicos – e num contexto de anti-racismo e de defesa das liberdades fundamentais do individuo essa e’ a unica definicao que realmente conta e deve contar e ser respeitada – fe-lo como “negro”, ou como “afro-americano”, assumindo nessa definicao toda a complexidade do seu background familiar e individual, como filho de pai negro-africano e de mae branca (naturalmente de ascendencia europeia, como o sao todos os brancos a face da terra…), de nome arabe, criado no Hawai por avos brancos, estudado na Indonesia, mas… crescido e amadurecido, casado e socializado cultural, religiosa e politicamente no seio da comunidade negra americana.

Isto e’, ele define-se por relacao a sua propria experiencia politica e socio-cultural e nao necessariamente por oposicao a de outros (tambem como eu propria o fiz a minha maneira, muito contra a corrente diga-se, neste artigo...), mesmo porque, como ele proprio afirmou no contexto da maka sobre o Reverendo Wright (alguem que, note-se, tal como Colin Powell por exemplo, no ‘mundo lusofono’ seria classificado e socializado como “cabrito”, mas que nos EUA nao contempla classificar-se de outro modo senao como “negro”): “eu nao o posso renegar, tal como nao posso renegar a minha avo branca em quem, apesar de me ter criado, observei manifestacoes de preconceito racial em relacao ao negro”. Ora, essa definicao “por si proprio” e nao “por outros” ou “contra outros” foi essencialmente o que lhe permitiu ser apelativo a praticamente todos os grupos racicos nos EUA e um pouco por todo o mundo e e’ o que torna a sua vitoria tao bonita!

Porque quererao entao alguns, particularmente se em sociedades completamente distintas dos EUA, estragar essa beleza tentando aplicar-lhe criterios de definicao racica que lhe sao completamente estranhos e, pior ainda, tentar reivindicar a sua vitoria como uma bandeira exclusiva de um particular grupo racico, o dos auto-definidos “mulatos” no ‘mundo lusofono’, quando a propria designacao “mulato” constituiria para si uma ofensa, quanto mais nao seja porque a sua miscigenacao nao derivou do particular contexto historico em que essa designacao foi adoptada nos EUA, isto e’ a escravatura, o que alias lhe mereceu o relativo alheamento, quando nao aberta hostilidade, de alguns segmentos da comunidade afro-americana descendente de escravos, nao apenas mas sobretudo porque ele proprio e' descendente pelo lado materno de donos de escravos? Mas nao seria apenas a designacao “mulato” que tenho poucas duvidas ele regeitaria (quanto muito, aceitaria mais facilmente a designacao geralmente adoptada nos EUA para os mesticos: “mixed-race”), como tambem a de “branco” que alguns no 'mundo lusofono' tambem lhe pretendem “a viva forca” aplicar pelo facto de ter nascido de mae branca…

Ou seja, continua-se em alguns sectores do ‘mundo lusofono’ a pensar a “raca” ainda em termos hierarquicos (sendo bastante elucidativo disto o modo como alguns nesse mundo equacionam a questao em termos de "racismo de cima para baixo e de baixo para cima" - estando "em cima" o branco e "em baixo" o negro, com o mestico "no meio"...), de tal modo que, aparentemente para tais sectores, a forma como Obama se auto-identifica parece nao ter qualquer importancia, ou mesmo como se a forma como ele se posiciona ‘racicamente’ nao tivesse tido qualquer relevancia para a sua eleicao: sejamos claros, se ele se identificasse social e culturalmente como “mulato”, ou como “branco”, nao so’ seria ridicularizado, ostensiva ou dissimuladamente, pelos brancos americanos, como dificilmente teria obtido o voto maioritario do grupo “afro-americano”, o qual, como de resto se observou nas manifestacoes de voto nos estagios iniciais da campanha, inclui segmentos que teriam preferido votar noutro candidato, independentemente da sua raca ou genero e que, sendo embora minoritario, foi decisivo para a sua vitoria - particularmente nas primarias e sua consequente nomeacao como candidato pelo partido Democrata.

Grupo “afro-americano” esse onde, nunca e’ demais repeti-lo, se incluem todos os nao-brancos desde que tenham uma gota de sangue negro. E, se e’ certo que o "one drop rule" foi inicialmente uma criacao do grupo dominante branco nos EUA com motivacoes racistas, nao e’ menos certo que ele foi apropriado, internalizado e socializado historicamente pelos “afro-americanos” que – ao contrario, nunca e’ demais nota-lo, do que se passou e em grande medida ainda se passa nas ex-colonias portuguesas onde se instituiu uma diferenciacao racica hierarquizante de acordo com os varios tons de pele entre negros e brancos – partilharam ao longo de seculos em condicoes de igualdade tanto a discriminacao racial contra si (vide o caso da 'cabrita' Rosa Parks), como as oportunidades sociais, politicas e economicas que souberam conquistar para si (vide o caso da 'negra' Oprah Winfrey) como um unico grupo racico, pesem embora as clivagens e friccoes que tambem existem no seu seio, originadas, directa ou indirectamente, pelos diferentes tons de pele entre si (particularmente entre as mulheres, como quem tenha ouvido atentamente uma celebre conversa entre mulheres “negras” no filme Jungle Fever de Spike Lee tera’ notado; note-se tambem a este respeito a controversia gerada, especialmente no seio da comunidade afro-americana, quando a dada altura Tiger Woods decidiu regeitar a designacao “black” e se auto-definir como cablasian, ou seja uma mistura de caucasian, black e asian), mas, mais marcadamente, pelas diferencas culturais entre os que sao descendentes de escravos na America e os que para la’ emigraram ou foram estudar em decadas mais recentes provindos de Africa, entre os quais se inclui o pai de Obama (e, neste contexto, o casamento de Obama com Michelle pode ser visto tambem como uma ‘alianca’ entre esses dois grupos, a qual tera' tambem porventura contribuido para atrair os votos dos descendentes de escravos), sendo igualmente importante notar que o relativo esbatimento, quando nao completa obliteracao, das diferencas tribais e etnico-linguisticas no contexto americano tambem contribuiu de forma decisiva para essa relativa equidade de status social, politico e economico entre os nao-brancos de origem africana.

Mas talvez o elemento mais perturbador na forma como a vitoria de Obama tem sido entendida por alguns segmentos do ‘mundo lusofono’ (para alem da tendencia de se classificarem algumas das experiencias politicas, sociais e economicas post-coloniais e post-apartheid menos positivas como “racismo intra-racico” ou “endocolonialismo”, numa lamentavel tentativa de se “redimir” de algum modo o colonialismo e o apartheid e, em ultima analise, o proprio racismo que eles “construiram” – como se os 30 a 50 anos das independencias africanas, ou os menos de 20 anos desde o fim do apartheid, nao constituissem apenas um decimo ou menos da duracao do colonialismo e do apartheid no contexto da formacao e evolucao de novas sociedades, ou como se, por serem negros, uma vez no poder os negros nao pudessem ter problemas entre si e estivessem isentos de cometer erros, quer herdados ou induzidos por outros, quer de criacao propria – nao se contribuindo com tal postura de forma positiva e constructiva para a constituicao de aliancas e coligacoes sociais “apesar e para alem da raca” que possam efectivamente ultrapassar e prevenir tais experiencias menos positivas nas nossas sociedades, com vista a criacao de um futuro melhor que possa ser partilhado por todos), e’ a implicacao de que, ainda pensando em termos da “raca como constructo ideologico criador de hierarquias sociais”, de algum modo tratar-se Obama como “negro”, em vez de “mulato” ou “branco”, constitui uma ofensa, uma diminuicao, uma humilhacao, enfim, um “denegrimento” e, mais tristemente ainda, motivo de ressentimento para os que se consideram “nao negros”…

Bom, a designacao destas notas como “breves”, pelo que ja’ vai escrito, faz-me parar por aqui, sendo certo que muito mais ha’ ainda a dizer sobre a questao.

(*) Estas notas foram-me sugeridas, entre outras observacoes e leituras de reaccoes a vitoria de Obama, por esta serie e por este post no blog "Diario de Um Sociologo".


Post relacionado:

Ecos da Vitoria de Obama no SA

Wednesday, 11 June 2008

JUST POETRY (II)










We deal in too many externals, brother

always afros, handshakes and dashikis

never can a man build a working structure for black capitalism

always does the man read Mao or Fanon

I think I know you would-be black revolutionaries too well

standing on a box on the corner, talking about blowing the white man away

that's not where it's at yet, brother

calling this man an Uncle Tom and telling this woman to get an afro

but you won't speak to her if she looks like hell, now will you brother

some of us been checking your act out kinda close

and by now its looking kinda shaky

the way you been rushin' people with your super black bag

jumping down on some black men with both feet cause they're after their BA

But you're never around when your BA is in danger...I mean your black ass

I think it was a little too easy for you to forget that you were a negro before Malcolm

You drove your white girl through the village every Friday night

while the grassroots stared in envy and drank wine, do you remember?

You need to get your memory banks organized brother.

Show that man you call an Uncle Tom just where he's wrong

Show that woman that you're a sincere black man

All we need to do is see you shut up and be black

Help that woman

Help that man

That's what brothers are for brother.








We deal in too many externals, brother

always afros, handshakes and dashikis

never can a man build a working structure for black capitalism

always does the man read Mao or Fanon

I think I know you would-be black revolutionaries too well

standing on a box on the corner, talking about blowing the white man away

that's not where it's at yet, brother

calling this man an Uncle Tom and telling this woman to get an afro

but you won't speak to her if she looks like hell, now will you brother

some of us been checking your act out kinda close

and by now its looking kinda shaky

the way you been rushin' people with your super black bag

jumping down on some black men with both feet cause they're after their BA

But you're never around when your BA is in danger...I mean your black ass

I think it was a little too easy for you to forget that you were a negro before Malcolm

You drove your white girl through the village every Friday night

while the grassroots stared in envy and drank wine, do you remember?

You need to get your memory banks organized brother.

Show that man you call an Uncle Tom just where he's wrong

Show that woman that you're a sincere black man

All we need to do is see you shut up and be black

Help that woman

Help that man

That's what brothers are for brother.


Friday, 20 April 2007

JEAN-MICHEL BASQUIAT, OR… THOSE “SIX DEGREES OF SEPARATION”

“Every line means something”


There is that fine line between reality and fiction, truth and untruth, face and mask, genuine and fake, real and imagined which we all claim to know… and it seems to me that nowhere in life that line is more blurred than in art… fortunately, or unfortunately. In fact, there’s those ‘six degrees of separation’ which some claim to have we all in the planet at a short distance from each other through a chain of interconnections, but in reality always seem to keep us apart… as if at such a short distance we could all claim to ‘know’ each other, but never quite so… or maybe not! Whatever the case, I always think of these things when I think about Jean-Michel Basquiat. And, when I think about Basquiat, I always think of the strange, often devious, ways in which issues of identity, authenticity and the like are resolved, or unresolved, in (or through) art and in life in general…

“I cross out words so you will see them more – the fact that they are obscured makes you want to read them”
"The History of Black People"
In the words of Robert Knafo, one of his biographers, “In his short life (1960-1988), Jean-Michel Basquiat came to personify the art scene of the 80s, with its merging of youth culture, money, hype, excess, and self-destruction. And then there was the work, which the public image tended to overshadow: paintings and drawings that conjured up marginal urban black culture and black history, as well as the artist's own conflicted sense of identity. He was, all at once it seemed, the ultimate party animal, a wannabe street kid and graffitist hiding his black Brooklyn middle class roots, an advocate and interpreter of the marginal and dispossessed at the court of the mainstream, an angry black aspirant to the all-white art canon, a precocious talent, a creature of cynical marketing and a fraud, a proto-multiculturalist, an American original.”


Indeed, in his angry aspiration to that "all-white art canon” he met Andy Warhol, the ring-master of the so called 'Neo-Expressionist movement' and of clever, cynical marketing fakery - some, certainly Knafo, would call it fraud - to whom in their first encounter he sold a postcard for one dollar, and went on to date Madonna while keeping his “real life” heroes Malcolm X, Jimi Hendrix and Charlie Parker close to heart until he died of a drugs overdose aged 28. Born of a Haitian father and a Puerto-Rican mother, his art is perhaps the best, albeit most disturbing, expression of a misplaced Black/African identity in spite of Knafo's claim of him being “an American original”… or maybe not… or maybe yes... because that’s what makes for “American originality”: misplaced identities, isn't it? Anyway, I’m not an art critic and after all here’s what he thought of them: “I don’t think about art when I’m working. I try to think about life… I don’t listen to what art critics say. I don’t know anybody who needs a critic to find out what art is.”

I also always think of Basquiat when I think of that movie, made out of a stage play, “Six Degrees of Separation” (1993), featuring Will Smith (in what I think is his best role ever!), Donald Sutherland and (Sir) Ian McKellen among other fine actors such as Stockard Channing, who was nominated for a Golden Globe and an Oscar for her role in it. Why? I haven’t got the faintest idea! Having seen it twice, I don’t recall anything in it relating to Basquiat… but maybe he was just away from the plot by six degrees... because Paul (Smith) - while presenting himself as "the son" of Sidney Poitier (something also evocative of "Guess Who's Coming to Dinner"), whose father was in reality, as Basquiat's, of Haitian descent - plays the ultimate faker and double-crosser in his angry quest for an all-white cultural "background" and behavioural and literary canon... or just because Louisa (Channing) and Flanders (Sutherland) play rich NYC art dealers, while their South African business partner Miller (Mckellen) brings them all to his “reality” about race relations… or, probably, because Paul eventually dies, just as Basquiat very young but not of drugs, in prison, when he was finally taken back to the "reality" of his own social and racial condition, or, put shortly, when he was taken back to "where he came from"!... I don’t know. There’s a movie that’s really about him though, “Basquiat” (1996), starring David Bowie, Dennis Hopper and Benicio del Toro, which I haven’t seen yet.

You can find Basquiat works (mostly print copies) and memorabilia pretty much everywhere these days. And it can come cheap too, from as low as ₤3 to an average ₤30 per print, on eBay for instance, unless you are well off enough to get a signed copy at something like ₤1200… but it doesn’t seem really to go over ₤2000-₤3000 on average, so apparently you don’t need to be very rich to buy something signed Basquiat these days (of course I'm not talking about the really pricey originals here - most of them held in museums and not for sale anyway; or auctioned by big houses, where they can get to millions of pounds)*.
I’m not rich, old or new, so I got mine some 12 years ago (a print copy titled “1960”, which apparently is rare since I couldn’t find it anywhere on the web…) for ₤10 at the ever so popular Camden Market!
[See more about Basquiat here and here]
*E.g. his Untitled (1981) sold one month after this post was written by Sotheby's (New York) for $14,600,000 or his Grillo (1984) sold by Phillips de Pury & Company (London) yet a month later that same year for £4,948,000!
“Every line means something”


There is that fine line between reality and fiction, truth and untruth, face and mask, genuine and fake, real and imagined which we all claim to know… and it seems to me that nowhere in life that line is more blurred than in art… fortunately, or unfortunately. In fact, there’s those ‘six degrees of separation’ which some claim to have we all in the planet at a short distance from each other through a chain of interconnections, but in reality always seem to keep us apart… as if at such a short distance we could all claim to ‘know’ each other, but never quite so… or maybe not! Whatever the case, I always think of these things when I think about Jean-Michel Basquiat. And, when I think about Basquiat, I always think of the strange, often devious, ways in which issues of identity, authenticity and the like are resolved, or unresolved, in (or through) art and in life in general…

“I cross out words so you will see them more – the fact that they are obscured makes you want to read them”
"The History of Black People"
In the words of Robert Knafo, one of his biographers, “In his short life (1960-1988), Jean-Michel Basquiat came to personify the art scene of the 80s, with its merging of youth culture, money, hype, excess, and self-destruction. And then there was the work, which the public image tended to overshadow: paintings and drawings that conjured up marginal urban black culture and black history, as well as the artist's own conflicted sense of identity. He was, all at once it seemed, the ultimate party animal, a wannabe street kid and graffitist hiding his black Brooklyn middle class roots, an advocate and interpreter of the marginal and dispossessed at the court of the mainstream, an angry black aspirant to the all-white art canon, a precocious talent, a creature of cynical marketing and a fraud, a proto-multiculturalist, an American original.”


Indeed, in his angry aspiration to that "all-white art canon” he met Andy Warhol, the ring-master of the so called 'Neo-Expressionist movement' and of clever, cynical marketing fakery - some, certainly Knafo, would call it fraud - to whom in their first encounter he sold a postcard for one dollar, and went on to date Madonna while keeping his “real life” heroes Malcolm X, Jimi Hendrix and Charlie Parker close to heart until he died of a drugs overdose aged 28. Born of a Haitian father and a Puerto-Rican mother, his art is perhaps the best, albeit most disturbing, expression of a misplaced Black/African identity in spite of Knafo's claim of him being “an American original”… or maybe not… or maybe yes... because that’s what makes for “American originality”: misplaced identities, isn't it? Anyway, I’m not an art critic and after all here’s what he thought of them: “I don’t think about art when I’m working. I try to think about life… I don’t listen to what art critics say. I don’t know anybody who needs a critic to find out what art is.”

I also always think of Basquiat when I think of that movie, made out of a stage play, “Six Degrees of Separation” (1993), featuring Will Smith (in what I think is his best role ever!), Donald Sutherland and (Sir) Ian McKellen among other fine actors such as Stockard Channing, who was nominated for a Golden Globe and an Oscar for her role in it. Why? I haven’t got the faintest idea! Having seen it twice, I don’t recall anything in it relating to Basquiat… but maybe he was just away from the plot by six degrees... because Paul (Smith) - while presenting himself as "the son" of Sidney Poitier (something also evocative of "Guess Who's Coming to Dinner"), whose father was in reality, as Basquiat's, of Haitian descent - plays the ultimate faker and double-crosser in his angry quest for an all-white cultural "background" and behavioural and literary canon... or just because Louisa (Channing) and Flanders (Sutherland) play rich NYC art dealers, while their South African business partner Miller (Mckellen) brings them all to his “reality” about race relations… or, probably, because Paul eventually dies, just as Basquiat very young but not of drugs, in prison, when he was finally taken back to the "reality" of his own social and racial condition, or, put shortly, when he was taken back to "where he came from"!... I don’t know. There’s a movie that’s really about him though, “Basquiat” (1996), starring David Bowie, Dennis Hopper and Benicio del Toro, which I haven’t seen yet.

You can find Basquiat works (mostly print copies) and memorabilia pretty much everywhere these days. And it can come cheap too, from as low as ₤3 to an average ₤30 per print, on eBay for instance, unless you are well off enough to get a signed copy at something like ₤1200… but it doesn’t seem really to go over ₤2000-₤3000 on average, so apparently you don’t need to be very rich to buy something signed Basquiat these days (of course I'm not talking about the really pricey originals here - most of them held in museums and not for sale anyway; or auctioned by big houses, where they can get to millions of pounds)*.
I’m not rich, old or new, so I got mine some 12 years ago (a print copy titled “1960”, which apparently is rare since I couldn’t find it anywhere on the web…) for ₤10 at the ever so popular Camden Market!
[See more about Basquiat here and here]
*E.g. his Untitled (1981) sold one month after this post was written by Sotheby's (New York) for $14,600,000 or his Grillo (1984) sold by Phillips de Pury & Company (London) yet a month later that same year for £4,948,000!

Thursday, 1 February 2007

WHAT'S IN A NAME


"It is not what you call me, but what I answer to, that matters most"
African Proverb

(in "Capitalist Nigger - The Road to Success", by Chika Onyeani)

Picture: Kongo Mask



Here’s something to READ and HANDLE with care:


Extracts from Chika Onyeani’s CAPITALIST NIGGER – THE ROAD TO SUCCESS – A Spider Web Doctrine

FOREWORD

"CAPITALIST NIGGER is a no-holds-barred discussion of the Black Race. It combines a powerful punch because the author believes that there is no better time to openly debate the state of the Black Race than now. The book asserts that the Negroid Race is a non-productive race. “We are a consumer race”, the author insists. “We produce nothing and consume what others produce.” The author scores the bull’s-eye when he lays the blame for the present state of the Black Race on the fact that his people don’t possess what he calls “the killer-instinct of the Caucasian Race” and their lack of “whatever it takes” attitude.

CAPITALIST NIGGER is purely and simply about making money in any way possible; about changing the attitude of the Black Race.
Onyeani’s espousal and advocacy of the “Spider Web Economy” doctrine is bound to revolutionize economic thinking for years to come.

CAPITALIST NIGGER is a book no person other than Chika Onyeani could have written. It is a testimony of his life-long courage. It is an anguished cry to the Black Race to move from being a Consumer Race to a Productive Race. It is compellingly required reading.


INTRODUCTION


POWER OF A WORD


“IT IS NOT WHAT YOU CALL ME, BUT WHAT I ANSWER TO, THAT MATTERS MOST.”
An African Proverb


According to Merriam Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary, Tenth Edition, the word “Nigger” has now come to rank as “perhaps the most offensive and inflammatory racial slur in English….. it is otherwise a word expressive of racial hatred and bigotry.” Ordinarily, according to the same dictionary, the word itself refers to a black person, having been used by such considered writers like Joseph Conrad, Mark Twain and William Shakespeare. This word has caused all kinds of invectives between Blacks and Caucasians. Caucasians think by calling Blacks (Negro, Blackman, African-American, mulatto) “Niggers”, they are putting them down and putting them “in their place”, which would anger most Blacks. Blacks on their part have always obliged the Caucasians by doing exactly as they have anticipated.

“We are creatures of habit. We like to take advantage of every situation. And Caucasians have been taking advantage of the Black Race in every situation from the enslaving of Africans and plucking them to America to the present time of trying to demean us by the word Nigger. What is really in a word? We make it what we want it to mean. By accepting what others want us to believe a word means, we are invariably giving them the satisfaction of feeling superiority over us. But when we hardly notice such an appellation as meaningless, it not only makes the user of the word totally stupid, it also takes away his feeling of superiority.”


EXTRACT


In October 1960, Nigeria received its independence from Britain. By then, Ghana the former Gold Cost had been independent for three years under the great Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah. It was a time for celebrating Africa’s coming of age, as more and more African countries received their independence either from Britain or France. It was especially a poignant time for Africa, as then British Prime Minister Harold McMillan articulated his now famous “winds of change” sweeping Africa. We had high hopes for Africa, for the Black race, that the insidious imposition of foreign rule on us, the looting of Africa’s natural resources by our colonial masters and the disrespect and disdain that these colonial masters accorded us would be things of history.

That is more than forty years ago. Unfortunately, the promise of independence has not been fulfilled. Today, Africa has become more desolate; there is more starvation, diseases and non-provision of essential services than when we got our independence. There are all kinds of wars in Africa and millions of lives have been lost. There are more dictators in Africa than the rest of the world put together. The majority of so-called African leaders want to stay in power until the day their bodies are put in the grave. Through buffoonery, utter mismanagement and downright stealing of the wealth of the masses, these leaders have so impoverish Africa that we are now nothing but a beggar continent. We beg for everything; we are more dependent on our colonial masters than when we received our independence from them. Africa owes the West more money than we and our generations to come can repay.
I arrived in America in December of 1967 as an official of what we believed was going to be a dynamic African nation – the young Republic of Biafra. But Biafra was defeated and Nigeria remained one, as a giant of Africa. In that last 32 years, I have watched with horror and outright helplessness as the downward slide of the African race continues to escalate. But rather than address the problems, we resort to blaming the Caucasians, Asians and others for our misfortune. We are not men enough to accept responsibility for our actions.

Africans blame either the British, French or little Portuguese/Spanish for their problems. Africans in America blame the Caucasians for all their problems, or any other ethnic group they have allowed to take over their neighbourhoods, a frequently recurring phenomenon. Africans blame the IMF, the World Bank, the G8, the former colonial masters for the abject poverty in our respective countries. We blame the wars ravaging several African sectors on the interference of our former colonial masters on “our internal affairs”. Ha! – some kind of independence!

In the 32 years I have been in America, I have never had a discussion with any of my brothers or sisters without it resorting to the African (Black)/Caucasian (White) relationship. If we go to a restaurant, we blame the Caucasian or Asian for sitting us at the back, near the kitchen, or too much in the front, because he doesn’t want to antagonise his Caucasian clientele. When we decide to buy a house in a Caucasian neighbourhood, we blame the people for refusing to sell to us because of their belief that we spend more time and money on visible luxurious and ultimately worthless items, than in maintaining our property, which to everyone but us is a major part of their investment and retirement portfolio.

The blame game has become a permanent part of our lives to the exclusion of any other solution that could be more viable in solving our problems. It has become the most productive part of our lives, because without it the African cannot really point to much that they are in charge of producing. It is better to blame others than to confront the truth of our being responsible for whatever has happened to us as an African race.

I decided to write Capitalist Nigger to open a debate on the state of the African race. But in doing so, my intention was not to treat my own contribution to the debate with kid gloves. It is to tell it like it is, the truth and nothing but he truth. My observations are bound to infuriate a lot of my people. Even the title of this book is bound to make a lot of people angry. Many people will be angry, to say it mildly, when I question the intelligence of my people compared to the Asians (Indians, Pakistanis, Malaysians, Filipinos) and others who attained independence at the same time as most African countries. If the book generates the kind of dialogue, debate or argument for or against the position I have taken, so be it. But it would even be more relevant if in the process, solutions are offered to help extricate Africans from being a consumer to a productive race.

I decided to write Capitalist Nigger also as a doctrine of making money and creating wealth. I am not ashamed to say that I am also purely motivated by the same greed that motivates Caucasians with “killer-instincts” and “devil-may-care” convictions. I see myself as an Economic Warrior for my people and not a victim, I have decided to confront the truth of my misfortune and when I see the mirror I see the culprit standing right in front of me – it is me. As the saying goes, truth shall set you free. The Truth in being a Capitalist Nigger is that it sets you free. The Truth in being a Capitalist Nigger is that it sets you free. Being a Capitalist Nigger puts you in control of every aspect of your life – you are in charge and nobody else.

You want your children to have good grades in school? Then practice Capitalist Niggerism because then you will not blame the teachers for failing your children or blame the nationwide testing services for using non-black questions in their testing. You will be in control because you will totally understand that everything that happens to your child at school is a result of the learning environment you have provided him or her at home.

If you want to have a good job, practice Capitalist Niggerism, because you want to beat the people who expect you to fail because they believe you are stupid. You will succeed because you work harder and twice as hard as the average Caucasian. You will not gripe or whine about it because you are a Capitalist Nigger, you know you are in charge in every aspect of the process. Because of your belief in Capitalist Niggerism, you set out to learn about your job and excel and shame everybody else. I remember in the early seventies when I joined Endo/Dupont, the pharmaceutical division. There was not another African in my division and to the amazement of the Regional Managers, I was always the number one winner when it came to sales contests. But the British Divisional Manager who recruited me knew that I could do it because the only question he had asked me at my interview was whether I was Igbo from Nigeria and I had replied in the affirmative.

You want to create wealth, join Wall Street. Don’t make excuses that Blacks don’t know how to invest their money. Go after the Caucasians. Use their guilt to your advantage.

Another important point which I raised in this book concerns the long study I have conducted regarding the economic behaviour of East Indians and Pakistanis. It is an economic doctrine I have christened the “Spider Web Doctrine”, because I believe we all understand how spiders behave. They build a web, and if an ant or fly dares enter the web, they are not allowed to come out. The spider closes its web. That is exactly how the Indians have employed the spider web doctrine to become a major economic force worldwide. The Indians have created a virtual economy in the communities they live. When a dollar comes into the community, that dollar does not leave the community. They reinvest it by buying from other Indians.

Indians have studied the art of being a major economic force in America without antagonising any particular group. You don’t see them in hostile neighbourhoods, where they could be held hostage by the anger of that group. They are mostly in business which caters to every group – newspaper retailing, taxi/limousine, gas station ownership, and motel/hotel operators.

The Jews have used to some extent this “Spider Web Economic” doctrine, but not on the scale of Indians. The Indians are its best ardent practitioners. It is the only and best economic method I have seen which can easily catapult an economy like ours out of its indolent state.

I feel totally liberated. I feel free. I feel I am in charge. I am in control. From here on, whatever happens is because I allowed it to happen. I have made what I believe is my own major contribution to the debate on the state of the Black Race. Whether you agree with me or not is immaterial. The only important point is that we must stop the blame game and accept responsibility for the present state of the Black Race. Truth shall set you free, it has set me free."

***
P.S.: I've decided to include here an extract from my participation in a discussion on the "Negritude Movement", at Black Looks, for its relevance to the main theme of this book:
"First, I think that the answers to all these questions hinge on whether the n-word stands for Negro, or for Nigger. I must say that in my own research I never came across a description of Negritude as “Niggerness” and I suspect this may have a lot to do with the translations of the particular publications we read, or how we ourselves translate the original words written in French by the “founding fathers” of Negritude.In my recollection, they use the words Negre/Noir=Negro as the racial archetype equivalent to Caucasian, hence its acceptability in academia. In this sense, Negro/Noir has no pejorative or “denigrating” connotations: it’s used just like Martin Luther King and Malcolm X, for instance, have used it. In Portuguese, as in French, Negro/Negre/Noir is the acceptable term to refer to the so-called “negroid” race, whereas Preto=Black can have derogatory undertones and can be understood, depending on the context and intention of its use, as the equivalent to “Nigger”,which I believe was invented in the States to have exclusively racist connotations…From there, I found that the Negritude movement’s main claim regarding the “Negro Essence” is that, contrary to (still) prevailing stereotypes, the Negro is not a “lesser” human and by no means “less intelligent” than the Caucasian or any other race, s/he just has a different approach to understanding and conceptualising their surrounding universe. Hence Senghor’s famous phrase, which encapsulates much of the essence of Negritude: “The reason is Hellenic and the emotion is Noir/Negre/Negro”, by which he meant that the Negro rationality was founded on and derived from the human senses and its profound interaction with and dependence on nature, whereas the Caucasian one was primarily based on abstract (from nature) calculation…"



"It is not what you call me, but what I answer to, that matters most"
African Proverb

(in "Capitalist Nigger - The Road to Success", by Chika Onyeani)

Picture: Kongo Mask



Here’s something to READ and HANDLE with care:


Extracts from Chika Onyeani’s CAPITALIST NIGGER – THE ROAD TO SUCCESS – A Spider Web Doctrine

FOREWORD

"CAPITALIST NIGGER is a no-holds-barred discussion of the Black Race. It combines a powerful punch because the author believes that there is no better time to openly debate the state of the Black Race than now. The book asserts that the Negroid Race is a non-productive race. “We are a consumer race”, the author insists. “We produce nothing and consume what others produce.” The author scores the bull’s-eye when he lays the blame for the present state of the Black Race on the fact that his people don’t possess what he calls “the killer-instinct of the Caucasian Race” and their lack of “whatever it takes” attitude.

CAPITALIST NIGGER is purely and simply about making money in any way possible; about changing the attitude of the Black Race.
Onyeani’s espousal and advocacy of the “Spider Web Economy” doctrine is bound to revolutionize economic thinking for years to come.

CAPITALIST NIGGER is a book no person other than Chika Onyeani could have written. It is a testimony of his life-long courage. It is an anguished cry to the Black Race to move from being a Consumer Race to a Productive Race. It is compellingly required reading.


INTRODUCTION


POWER OF A WORD


“IT IS NOT WHAT YOU CALL ME, BUT WHAT I ANSWER TO, THAT MATTERS MOST.”
An African Proverb


According to Merriam Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary, Tenth Edition, the word “Nigger” has now come to rank as “perhaps the most offensive and inflammatory racial slur in English….. it is otherwise a word expressive of racial hatred and bigotry.” Ordinarily, according to the same dictionary, the word itself refers to a black person, having been used by such considered writers like Joseph Conrad, Mark Twain and William Shakespeare. This word has caused all kinds of invectives between Blacks and Caucasians. Caucasians think by calling Blacks (Negro, Blackman, African-American, mulatto) “Niggers”, they are putting them down and putting them “in their place”, which would anger most Blacks. Blacks on their part have always obliged the Caucasians by doing exactly as they have anticipated.

“We are creatures of habit. We like to take advantage of every situation. And Caucasians have been taking advantage of the Black Race in every situation from the enslaving of Africans and plucking them to America to the present time of trying to demean us by the word Nigger. What is really in a word? We make it what we want it to mean. By accepting what others want us to believe a word means, we are invariably giving them the satisfaction of feeling superiority over us. But when we hardly notice such an appellation as meaningless, it not only makes the user of the word totally stupid, it also takes away his feeling of superiority.”


EXTRACT


In October 1960, Nigeria received its independence from Britain. By then, Ghana the former Gold Cost had been independent for three years under the great Osagyefo Kwame Nkrumah. It was a time for celebrating Africa’s coming of age, as more and more African countries received their independence either from Britain or France. It was especially a poignant time for Africa, as then British Prime Minister Harold McMillan articulated his now famous “winds of change” sweeping Africa. We had high hopes for Africa, for the Black race, that the insidious imposition of foreign rule on us, the looting of Africa’s natural resources by our colonial masters and the disrespect and disdain that these colonial masters accorded us would be things of history.

That is more than forty years ago. Unfortunately, the promise of independence has not been fulfilled. Today, Africa has become more desolate; there is more starvation, diseases and non-provision of essential services than when we got our independence. There are all kinds of wars in Africa and millions of lives have been lost. There are more dictators in Africa than the rest of the world put together. The majority of so-called African leaders want to stay in power until the day their bodies are put in the grave. Through buffoonery, utter mismanagement and downright stealing of the wealth of the masses, these leaders have so impoverish Africa that we are now nothing but a beggar continent. We beg for everything; we are more dependent on our colonial masters than when we received our independence from them. Africa owes the West more money than we and our generations to come can repay.
I arrived in America in December of 1967 as an official of what we believed was going to be a dynamic African nation – the young Republic of Biafra. But Biafra was defeated and Nigeria remained one, as a giant of Africa. In that last 32 years, I have watched with horror and outright helplessness as the downward slide of the African race continues to escalate. But rather than address the problems, we resort to blaming the Caucasians, Asians and others for our misfortune. We are not men enough to accept responsibility for our actions.

Africans blame either the British, French or little Portuguese/Spanish for their problems. Africans in America blame the Caucasians for all their problems, or any other ethnic group they have allowed to take over their neighbourhoods, a frequently recurring phenomenon. Africans blame the IMF, the World Bank, the G8, the former colonial masters for the abject poverty in our respective countries. We blame the wars ravaging several African sectors on the interference of our former colonial masters on “our internal affairs”. Ha! – some kind of independence!

In the 32 years I have been in America, I have never had a discussion with any of my brothers or sisters without it resorting to the African (Black)/Caucasian (White) relationship. If we go to a restaurant, we blame the Caucasian or Asian for sitting us at the back, near the kitchen, or too much in the front, because he doesn’t want to antagonise his Caucasian clientele. When we decide to buy a house in a Caucasian neighbourhood, we blame the people for refusing to sell to us because of their belief that we spend more time and money on visible luxurious and ultimately worthless items, than in maintaining our property, which to everyone but us is a major part of their investment and retirement portfolio.

The blame game has become a permanent part of our lives to the exclusion of any other solution that could be more viable in solving our problems. It has become the most productive part of our lives, because without it the African cannot really point to much that they are in charge of producing. It is better to blame others than to confront the truth of our being responsible for whatever has happened to us as an African race.

I decided to write Capitalist Nigger to open a debate on the state of the African race. But in doing so, my intention was not to treat my own contribution to the debate with kid gloves. It is to tell it like it is, the truth and nothing but he truth. My observations are bound to infuriate a lot of my people. Even the title of this book is bound to make a lot of people angry. Many people will be angry, to say it mildly, when I question the intelligence of my people compared to the Asians (Indians, Pakistanis, Malaysians, Filipinos) and others who attained independence at the same time as most African countries. If the book generates the kind of dialogue, debate or argument for or against the position I have taken, so be it. But it would even be more relevant if in the process, solutions are offered to help extricate Africans from being a consumer to a productive race.

I decided to write Capitalist Nigger also as a doctrine of making money and creating wealth. I am not ashamed to say that I am also purely motivated by the same greed that motivates Caucasians with “killer-instincts” and “devil-may-care” convictions. I see myself as an Economic Warrior for my people and not a victim, I have decided to confront the truth of my misfortune and when I see the mirror I see the culprit standing right in front of me – it is me. As the saying goes, truth shall set you free. The Truth in being a Capitalist Nigger is that it sets you free. The Truth in being a Capitalist Nigger is that it sets you free. Being a Capitalist Nigger puts you in control of every aspect of your life – you are in charge and nobody else.

You want your children to have good grades in school? Then practice Capitalist Niggerism because then you will not blame the teachers for failing your children or blame the nationwide testing services for using non-black questions in their testing. You will be in control because you will totally understand that everything that happens to your child at school is a result of the learning environment you have provided him or her at home.

If you want to have a good job, practice Capitalist Niggerism, because you want to beat the people who expect you to fail because they believe you are stupid. You will succeed because you work harder and twice as hard as the average Caucasian. You will not gripe or whine about it because you are a Capitalist Nigger, you know you are in charge in every aspect of the process. Because of your belief in Capitalist Niggerism, you set out to learn about your job and excel and shame everybody else. I remember in the early seventies when I joined Endo/Dupont, the pharmaceutical division. There was not another African in my division and to the amazement of the Regional Managers, I was always the number one winner when it came to sales contests. But the British Divisional Manager who recruited me knew that I could do it because the only question he had asked me at my interview was whether I was Igbo from Nigeria and I had replied in the affirmative.

You want to create wealth, join Wall Street. Don’t make excuses that Blacks don’t know how to invest their money. Go after the Caucasians. Use their guilt to your advantage.

Another important point which I raised in this book concerns the long study I have conducted regarding the economic behaviour of East Indians and Pakistanis. It is an economic doctrine I have christened the “Spider Web Doctrine”, because I believe we all understand how spiders behave. They build a web, and if an ant or fly dares enter the web, they are not allowed to come out. The spider closes its web. That is exactly how the Indians have employed the spider web doctrine to become a major economic force worldwide. The Indians have created a virtual economy in the communities they live. When a dollar comes into the community, that dollar does not leave the community. They reinvest it by buying from other Indians.

Indians have studied the art of being a major economic force in America without antagonising any particular group. You don’t see them in hostile neighbourhoods, where they could be held hostage by the anger of that group. They are mostly in business which caters to every group – newspaper retailing, taxi/limousine, gas station ownership, and motel/hotel operators.

The Jews have used to some extent this “Spider Web Economic” doctrine, but not on the scale of Indians. The Indians are its best ardent practitioners. It is the only and best economic method I have seen which can easily catapult an economy like ours out of its indolent state.

I feel totally liberated. I feel free. I feel I am in charge. I am in control. From here on, whatever happens is because I allowed it to happen. I have made what I believe is my own major contribution to the debate on the state of the Black Race. Whether you agree with me or not is immaterial. The only important point is that we must stop the blame game and accept responsibility for the present state of the Black Race. Truth shall set you free, it has set me free."

***
P.S.: I've decided to include here an extract from my participation in a discussion on the "Negritude Movement", at Black Looks, for its relevance to the main theme of this book:
"First, I think that the answers to all these questions hinge on whether the n-word stands for Negro, or for Nigger. I must say that in my own research I never came across a description of Negritude as “Niggerness” and I suspect this may have a lot to do with the translations of the particular publications we read, or how we ourselves translate the original words written in French by the “founding fathers” of Negritude.In my recollection, they use the words Negre/Noir=Negro as the racial archetype equivalent to Caucasian, hence its acceptability in academia. In this sense, Negro/Noir has no pejorative or “denigrating” connotations: it’s used just like Martin Luther King and Malcolm X, for instance, have used it. In Portuguese, as in French, Negro/Negre/Noir is the acceptable term to refer to the so-called “negroid” race, whereas Preto=Black can have derogatory undertones and can be understood, depending on the context and intention of its use, as the equivalent to “Nigger”,which I believe was invented in the States to have exclusively racist connotations…From there, I found that the Negritude movement’s main claim regarding the “Negro Essence” is that, contrary to (still) prevailing stereotypes, the Negro is not a “lesser” human and by no means “less intelligent” than the Caucasian or any other race, s/he just has a different approach to understanding and conceptualising their surrounding universe. Hence Senghor’s famous phrase, which encapsulates much of the essence of Negritude: “The reason is Hellenic and the emotion is Noir/Negre/Negro”, by which he meant that the Negro rationality was founded on and derived from the human senses and its profound interaction with and dependence on nature, whereas the Caucasian one was primarily based on abstract (from nature) calculation…"


Wednesday, 3 January 2007

HERSTORY: TRIBUTO A NINA SIMONE

Nina Simone (February 21, 1933 - April 21, 2003) -- "Priestess of Soul"-- Composed over 500 songs, recorded almost 60 albums. First woman to win the Jazz Cultural Award "Woman of the Year" 1966, Jazz at Home ClubFemale Jazz Singer of the Year, 1967, National Association of Television and Radio Announcers.
In 1993, Don Shewey wrote of Nina Simone in the Village Voice, "She's not a pop singer, she's a diva, a hopeless eccentric ... who has so thoroughly co-mingled her odd talent and brooding temperament that she has turned herself into a force of nature, an exotic creature spied so infrequently that every appearance is legendary."






Nina Simone was born as Eunice Kathleen Waymon in 1933 in Tryon, North Carolina, daughter of John D. Waylon and Mary Kate Waymon, an ordained Methodist minister. The house was filled with music, Nina Simone later recalled, and she learned to play piano early. When her mother took a job as a maid for extra money, the family saw that young Eunice had special musical talent and sponsored classical piano lessons for her. She studied with a Mrs. Miller and then with Muriel Massinovitch.
For her last year of high school, Nina Simone attended Juilliard School of Music, as part of her plan to prepare to attend the Curtis Institute of Music. She took the entrance exam for the Curtis Institute's classical piano program, but was not accepted. Nina Simone believed that she was good enough for the program, but that she was rejected because she was black. Her family by that time had moved to Philadelphia, and she began to give piano lessons. When she discovered that one of her students was playing in a bar in Atlantic City -- and being paid more than she was from her piano teaching -- she decided to try this route herself. Armed with music from many genres -- classical, jazz, popular -- she began playing piano in 1954 at the Midtown Bar and Grill in Atlantic City.
She adopted the name of Nina Simone to avoid her mother's religious disapproval of playing in a bar. The bar owner demanded soon that she add vocals to her piano playing, and Nina Simone began to draw large audiences of younger people who were fascinated by her eclectic musical repertoire and style. Soon she was playing in better nightclubs, and moved into the Greenwich Village scene.

Black is The Color of My True Love's Hair


By 1957, Nina Simone had found an agent, and the next year issued her first album, "Little Girl Blue." Her first single, "I Loves You Porgy," was a George Gershwin song from Porgy and Bess that had been a popular number for Billie Holiday. It sold well, and her recording career was launched. Unfortunately, the contract she signed gave away her rights, a mistake she came to bitterly regret. For her next album she signed with Colpix and released "The Amazing Nina Simone." With this album came more critical interest. Nina Simone briefly married Don Ross in 1958, and divorced him the next year. She married Andy Stroud in 1960 -- a former police detective who became her recording agent -- and they had a daughter, Lisa Celeste, in 1961. This daughter, separated from her mother for long periods in her childhood, eventually launched her own career with the stage name of, simply, Simone. Nina Simone and Andy Stroud drifted apart with her career and political interests, and their marriage ended in divorce in 1970.
In the 1960s, Nina Simone was part of the civil rights movement and later the black power movement. Her songs are considered by some as anthems of those movements, and their evolution shows the growing hopelessness that American racial problems would be solved. Nina Simone wrote "Mississippi Goddam" after the bombing of a Baptist church in Alabama killed four children and after Medgar Evers was assassinated in Mississipppi. This song, often sung in civil rights contexts, was not often played on radio. She introduced this song in performances as a show tune for a show that hadn't yet been written. Other Nina Simone songs adopted by the civil rights movement as anthems included "Backlash Blues,” "Old Jim Crow," "Four Women," and "To Be Young, Gifted and Black." The latter was composed in honor of her friend Lorraine Hansberry and became an anthem for the growing black power movement with its line, "Say it clear, say it loud, I am black and I am proud!"

To Be Young, Gifted And Black


With the growing women's movement, "Four Women" and her cover of Sinatra's "My Way" became feminist anthems as well. But just a few years later, Nina Simone's friends Lorraine Hansberry and Langston Hughes were dead. Black heroes Martin Luther King, jr., and Malcolm X, were assassinated. In the late 1970s, a dispute with the Internal Revenue Service found Nina Simone accused of tax evasion; she lost her home to the IRS. Nina Simone's growing bitterness over America's racism, her disputes with the record companies she called "pirates," her troubles with the IRS all led to her decision to leave the United States. She first moved to Barbados, and then, with the encouragement of Miriam Makeba and others, moved to Liberia. A later move to Switzerland for the sake of her daughter's education was followed by a comeback attempt in London which failed when she put her faith in a sponsor who turned out to be a con man who robbed and beat her and abandoned her. She tried to commit suicide, but when that failed, found her faith in the future renewed. She built her career slowly, moving to Paris in 1978, having small successes. In 1985, Nina Simone returned to the United States to record and perform, choosing to pursue fame in her native land. She focused on what would be popular, de-emphasizing her political views, and won growing acclaim. Her career soared when a British commercial used her 1958 recording of "My Baby Just Cares for Me," which then became a hit in Europe. Nina Simone moved back to Europe -- first to the Netherlands then to the South of France in 1991. She published her biography, I Put a Spell on You, and continued to record and perform. In 1995, she won ownership of 52 of her master recordings in a San Francisco court, and in 94-95 she had what she described as "a very intense love affair" -- "it was like a volcano." In her last years, Nina Simone was sometimes seen in a wheelchair between performances. She died April 21, 2003, in her adopted homeland, France.


Four Woman

In a 1969 interview with Phyl Garland, Nina Simone said: “There's no other purpose, so far as I'm concerned, for us except to reflect the times, the situations around us and the things we're able to say through our art, the things that millions of people can't say. I think that's the function of an artist and, of course, those of us who are lucky leave a legacy so that when we're dead, we also live on. That's people like Billie Holiday and I hope that I will be that lucky, but meanwhile, the function, so far as I'm concerned, is to reflect the times, whatever that might be.” Nina Simone is often classified as a jazz singer, but this is what she had to say in 1997 (in an interview with Brantley Bardin): To most white people, jazz means black and jazz means dirt and that's not what I play. I play black classical music. That's why I don't like the term "jazz," and Duke Ellington didn't like it either -- it's a term that's simply used to identify black people."
Source: Women’s History (Text)
Nina Simone (February 21, 1933 - April 21, 2003) -- "Priestess of Soul"-- Composed over 500 songs, recorded almost 60 albums. First woman to win the Jazz Cultural Award "Woman of the Year" 1966, Jazz at Home ClubFemale Jazz Singer of the Year, 1967, National Association of Television and Radio Announcers.
In 1993, Don Shewey wrote of Nina Simone in the Village Voice, "She's not a pop singer, she's a diva, a hopeless eccentric ... who has so thoroughly co-mingled her odd talent and brooding temperament that she has turned herself into a force of nature, an exotic creature spied so infrequently that every appearance is legendary."






Nina Simone was born as Eunice Kathleen Waymon in 1933 in Tryon, North Carolina, daughter of John D. Waylon and Mary Kate Waymon, an ordained Methodist minister. The house was filled with music, Nina Simone later recalled, and she learned to play piano early. When her mother took a job as a maid for extra money, the family saw that young Eunice had special musical talent and sponsored classical piano lessons for her. She studied with a Mrs. Miller and then with Muriel Massinovitch.
For her last year of high school, Nina Simone attended Juilliard School of Music, as part of her plan to prepare to attend the Curtis Institute of Music. She took the entrance exam for the Curtis Institute's classical piano program, but was not accepted. Nina Simone believed that she was good enough for the program, but that she was rejected because she was black. Her family by that time had moved to Philadelphia, and she began to give piano lessons. When she discovered that one of her students was playing in a bar in Atlantic City -- and being paid more than she was from her piano teaching -- she decided to try this route herself. Armed with music from many genres -- classical, jazz, popular -- she began playing piano in 1954 at the Midtown Bar and Grill in Atlantic City.
She adopted the name of Nina Simone to avoid her mother's religious disapproval of playing in a bar. The bar owner demanded soon that she add vocals to her piano playing, and Nina Simone began to draw large audiences of younger people who were fascinated by her eclectic musical repertoire and style. Soon she was playing in better nightclubs, and moved into the Greenwich Village scene.

Black is The Color of My True Love's Hair


By 1957, Nina Simone had found an agent, and the next year issued her first album, "Little Girl Blue." Her first single, "I Loves You Porgy," was a George Gershwin song from Porgy and Bess that had been a popular number for Billie Holiday. It sold well, and her recording career was launched. Unfortunately, the contract she signed gave away her rights, a mistake she came to bitterly regret. For her next album she signed with Colpix and released "The Amazing Nina Simone." With this album came more critical interest. Nina Simone briefly married Don Ross in 1958, and divorced him the next year. She married Andy Stroud in 1960 -- a former police detective who became her recording agent -- and they had a daughter, Lisa Celeste, in 1961. This daughter, separated from her mother for long periods in her childhood, eventually launched her own career with the stage name of, simply, Simone. Nina Simone and Andy Stroud drifted apart with her career and political interests, and their marriage ended in divorce in 1970.
In the 1960s, Nina Simone was part of the civil rights movement and later the black power movement. Her songs are considered by some as anthems of those movements, and their evolution shows the growing hopelessness that American racial problems would be solved. Nina Simone wrote "Mississippi Goddam" after the bombing of a Baptist church in Alabama killed four children and after Medgar Evers was assassinated in Mississipppi. This song, often sung in civil rights contexts, was not often played on radio. She introduced this song in performances as a show tune for a show that hadn't yet been written. Other Nina Simone songs adopted by the civil rights movement as anthems included "Backlash Blues,” "Old Jim Crow," "Four Women," and "To Be Young, Gifted and Black." The latter was composed in honor of her friend Lorraine Hansberry and became an anthem for the growing black power movement with its line, "Say it clear, say it loud, I am black and I am proud!"

To Be Young, Gifted And Black


With the growing women's movement, "Four Women" and her cover of Sinatra's "My Way" became feminist anthems as well. But just a few years later, Nina Simone's friends Lorraine Hansberry and Langston Hughes were dead. Black heroes Martin Luther King, jr., and Malcolm X, were assassinated. In the late 1970s, a dispute with the Internal Revenue Service found Nina Simone accused of tax evasion; she lost her home to the IRS. Nina Simone's growing bitterness over America's racism, her disputes with the record companies she called "pirates," her troubles with the IRS all led to her decision to leave the United States. She first moved to Barbados, and then, with the encouragement of Miriam Makeba and others, moved to Liberia. A later move to Switzerland for the sake of her daughter's education was followed by a comeback attempt in London which failed when she put her faith in a sponsor who turned out to be a con man who robbed and beat her and abandoned her. She tried to commit suicide, but when that failed, found her faith in the future renewed. She built her career slowly, moving to Paris in 1978, having small successes. In 1985, Nina Simone returned to the United States to record and perform, choosing to pursue fame in her native land. She focused on what would be popular, de-emphasizing her political views, and won growing acclaim. Her career soared when a British commercial used her 1958 recording of "My Baby Just Cares for Me," which then became a hit in Europe. Nina Simone moved back to Europe -- first to the Netherlands then to the South of France in 1991. She published her biography, I Put a Spell on You, and continued to record and perform. In 1995, she won ownership of 52 of her master recordings in a San Francisco court, and in 94-95 she had what she described as "a very intense love affair" -- "it was like a volcano." In her last years, Nina Simone was sometimes seen in a wheelchair between performances. She died April 21, 2003, in her adopted homeland, France.


Four Woman

In a 1969 interview with Phyl Garland, Nina Simone said: “There's no other purpose, so far as I'm concerned, for us except to reflect the times, the situations around us and the things we're able to say through our art, the things that millions of people can't say. I think that's the function of an artist and, of course, those of us who are lucky leave a legacy so that when we're dead, we also live on. That's people like Billie Holiday and I hope that I will be that lucky, but meanwhile, the function, so far as I'm concerned, is to reflect the times, whatever that might be.” Nina Simone is often classified as a jazz singer, but this is what she had to say in 1997 (in an interview with Brantley Bardin): To most white people, jazz means black and jazz means dirt and that's not what I play. I play black classical music. That's why I don't like the term "jazz," and Duke Ellington didn't like it either -- it's a term that's simply used to identify black people."
Source: Women’s History (Text)