Mocambique: Relendo Samora pelo pincel de Naguib (I)

Num fim de tarde dedicado ao lazer, entre as tensas sessoes de trabalho das 'Reunioes Internacionais sobre Recursos Hidricos Partilhados', que tiveram lugar em Maputo em Novembro de 2003 (algumas imagens das quais podem ser vistas no slideshow deste post), o meu colega e amigo mocambicano Luis de Almeida levou-me a visitar uma exposicao de Naguib, no seu Espaco Artistico (Academia de Arte) - Galeria Joe Braganca.

Trata-se de um espaco de fazer inveja a qualquer artista, em qualquer parte do mundo - tanto pela sua localizacao, junto a Marginal da cidade, como pela concepcao espacial e arquitectonica - que logo me fez pensar, e disse-o na altura ao Luis, do quanto "o meu artista" da Humbi-Humbi em Luanda gostaria de o ter... [E isto transporta-me a uma certa tarde de domingo em Luanda, em que, com um certo poeta errante que ja' por aqui me vi compelida a designar "O Incrivel Svengali", nos dirigiamos, de maos dadas, a uma exposicao do Mestre Malangatana* na galeria da UNAP. Ao aproximarmo-nos do local, o Malangatana, que estava parado no largo em frente, ao ver-nos comecou a dirigir-se a nos e, falando para o poeta mas olhando para mim, disse sorridente: "estas muito bonito hoje!"]

Bom, regressando a Maputo e ao Espaco Artistico, eu e o Luis encontramos la' o Naguib, tambem em momento de lazer com a familia, que nos pediu que estivessemos a vontade apesar de, aquela hora, o espaco ja' estar encerrado ao publico. De la' trouxe o catalogo da sua exposicao patente na altura, "Samora Machel: Pensamento, Enxada e Sacrificio - Frases de Samora pelo pincel de Naguib", que contem tambem uma reportagem fotografica da visita de Samora a primeira exposicao individual de Naguib, em 1986, entitulada "Grito de Paz".

Nao me sendo possivel de momento, por razoes tecnicas, reproduzir aqui as imagens do catalogo, recorro a outras (representativas da obra de Naguib nos anos que se seguiram aquela exposicao de 2003) que, com a devida venia, fui tomar de emprestimo ao blog de Ricardo Riso, com quem ja' tivemos antes algum intercambio (aqui e aqui). Mas as frases de Samora que aqui reproduzo sao retiradas do catalogo.

Australírica numa variação de nyau, 2004


Promover a emancipacao da mulher, recuperar a sua dignidade, uma das fontes principais da batalha para uma autentica libertacao do nosso povo.

Exaltação lírica nas margens do Zambeze I, 2005


A emancipacao da mulher nao e' um acto de caridade, nao resulta duma posicao humanitaria ou de compaixao. No seio da sociedade, ela aparece como o ser mais oprimido, mais humilhado, mais explorado. Ela e' explorada ate' pelo explorado, batida pelo homem rasgado pela palmatoria, humilhada pelo homem esmagado pela bota do patrao e do colono.


Exaltação lírica nas margens do Zambeze II, 2005


O poder, as facilidades que rodeiam os governantes podem corromper facilmente o homem mais firme. Por isso queremos que vivam modestamente e com o povo. Nao facam da tarefa recebida um privilegio ou veiculo de acumular bens ou distribuir favores.

Efabulírica com todas as claves, 2004


O ignorante e' incompetente. O incompetente julga saber tudo.

Reinventário de manhã para amar sem medo III, 2005


Dominar a tecnica e a ciencia e' estudar e nao imitar.

Exaltação lírica nas margens do Zambeze III, 2005

A luta contra o subdesenvolvimento e' uma batalha cultural.

*[No inicio do catalogo, e' reproduzida uma carta de Naguib a Luis (Carlos Patraquim), entitulada "A Minha Sincera Opiniao", relativa a sua obra ate' entao, onde se podem ler os seguintes extractos: "(...) Foi uma investigacao literaria e nao vivida; tentei nao confundir-me com o Malangatana fazendo corpos inteiros, num emaranhado de espacos subdivididos por cores. Nao me agradou e como consequencia deixo os vazios 'as escuras, como estava a minha mente no momento." (sobre "Pranto de Mae Africa"); "(...) Gostaria de dar a cada obra mais profundidade tecnica que nao a encontro ca', nem no Malangatana. Onde ir beber isso ainda nao sei. E, e' claro, sem me esquecer da Luz que a meu ver ainda e' fraca." (sobre "Grito de Paz"); "(...) Portanto, recebi muitos louvores e felicitacoes, mas acabo de assumir uma carga bem pesada. Em suma, para nao te roubar mais tempo, tenho a dizer-te que so' me resta um caminho: trabalhar dez vezes mais. Percebes? Um abraco. Naguib - Maputo, 24 Abril/86."

Num fim de tarde dedicado ao lazer, entre as tensas sessoes de trabalho das 'Reunioes Internacionais sobre Recursos Hidricos Partilhados', que tiveram lugar em Maputo em Novembro de 2003 (algumas imagens das quais podem ser vistas no slideshow deste post), o meu colega e amigo mocambicano Luis de Almeida levou-me a visitar uma exposicao de Naguib, no seu Espaco Artistico (Academia de Arte) - Galeria Joe Braganca.

Trata-se de um espaco de fazer inveja a qualquer artista, em qualquer parte do mundo - tanto pela sua localizacao, junto a Marginal da cidade, como pela concepcao espacial e arquitectonica - que logo me fez pensar, e disse-o na altura ao Luis, do quanto "o meu artista" da Humbi-Humbi em Luanda gostaria de o ter... [E isto transporta-me a uma certa tarde de domingo em Luanda, em que, com um certo poeta errante que ja' por aqui me vi compelida a designar "O Incrivel Svengali", nos dirigiamos, de maos dadas, a uma exposicao do Mestre Malangatana* na galeria da UNAP. Ao aproximarmo-nos do local, o Malangatana, que estava parado no largo em frente, ao ver-nos comecou a dirigir-se a nos e, falando para o poeta mas olhando para mim, disse sorridente: "estas muito bonito hoje!"]

Bom, regressando a Maputo e ao Espaco Artistico, eu e o Luis encontramos la' o Naguib, tambem em momento de lazer com a familia, que nos pediu que estivessemos a vontade apesar de, aquela hora, o espaco ja' estar encerrado ao publico. De la' trouxe o catalogo da sua exposicao patente na altura, "Samora Machel: Pensamento, Enxada e Sacrificio - Frases de Samora pelo pincel de Naguib", que contem tambem uma reportagem fotografica da visita de Samora a primeira exposicao individual de Naguib, em 1986, entitulada "Grito de Paz".

Nao me sendo possivel de momento, por razoes tecnicas, reproduzir aqui as imagens do catalogo, recorro a outras (representativas da obra de Naguib nos anos que se seguiram aquela exposicao de 2003) que, com a devida venia, fui tomar de emprestimo ao blog de Ricardo Riso, com quem ja' tivemos antes algum intercambio (aqui e aqui). Mas as frases de Samora que aqui reproduzo sao retiradas do catalogo.

Australírica numa variação de nyau, 2004


Promover a emancipacao da mulher, recuperar a sua dignidade, uma das fontes principais da batalha para uma autentica libertacao do nosso povo.

Exaltação lírica nas margens do Zambeze I, 2005


A emancipacao da mulher nao e' um acto de caridade, nao resulta duma posicao humanitaria ou de compaixao. No seio da sociedade, ela aparece como o ser mais oprimido, mais humilhado, mais explorado. Ela e' explorada ate' pelo explorado, batida pelo homem rasgado pela palmatoria, humilhada pelo homem esmagado pela bota do patrao e do colono.


Exaltação lírica nas margens do Zambeze II, 2005


O poder, as facilidades que rodeiam os governantes podem corromper facilmente o homem mais firme. Por isso queremos que vivam modestamente e com o povo. Nao facam da tarefa recebida um privilegio ou veiculo de acumular bens ou distribuir favores.

Efabulírica com todas as claves, 2004


O ignorante e' incompetente. O incompetente julga saber tudo.

Reinventário de manhã para amar sem medo III, 2005


Dominar a tecnica e a ciencia e' estudar e nao imitar.

Exaltação lírica nas margens do Zambeze III, 2005

A luta contra o subdesenvolvimento e' uma batalha cultural.

*[No inicio do catalogo, e' reproduzida uma carta de Naguib a Luis (Carlos Patraquim), entitulada "A Minha Sincera Opiniao", relativa a sua obra ate' entao, onde se podem ler os seguintes extractos: "(...) Foi uma investigacao literaria e nao vivida; tentei nao confundir-me com o Malangatana fazendo corpos inteiros, num emaranhado de espacos subdivididos por cores. Nao me agradou e como consequencia deixo os vazios 'as escuras, como estava a minha mente no momento." (sobre "Pranto de Mae Africa"); "(...) Gostaria de dar a cada obra mais profundidade tecnica que nao a encontro ca', nem no Malangatana. Onde ir beber isso ainda nao sei. E, e' claro, sem me esquecer da Luz que a meu ver ainda e' fraca." (sobre "Grito de Paz"); "(...) Portanto, recebi muitos louvores e felicitacoes, mas acabo de assumir uma carga bem pesada. Em suma, para nao te roubar mais tempo, tenho a dizer-te que so' me resta um caminho: trabalhar dez vezes mais. Percebes? Um abraco. Naguib - Maputo, 24 Abril/86."

1960-2010: "The Year of Africa" 50 Years On (XIV)

This Day in 1960:

Côte d'Ivoire (Ivory Coast) attracted both French and Portuguese merchants in the 15th century who were in search of ivory and slaves. French traders set up establishments early in the 19th century, and in 1842, the French obtained territorial concessions from local tribes, gradually extending their influence along the coast and inland and controlling its ivory and cocoa resources.

France officially made Côte d’Ivoire a French colony in 1893. By 1956 voting was equal for everyone in Côte d’Ivoire, and in 1958 the country became by referendum an autonomous member of the French Community. Shortly after on August 7, 1960, Côte d’Ivoire declared itself independent from France. Félix Houphouët-Boigny, after 13 years of service in the French National Assembly, became Cote d’Ivoire’s first prime minister in April 1959, and the following year he was elected as its first president having ruled until his death in 1993.

Observers of Africa have often characterized Côte d'Ivoire as different from the rest of Africa. Borrowing the metaphor of Félix Houphouët-Boigny, president of Côte d'Ivoire, they have described it as an oasis of political stability and economic prosperity - in short, the "Ivoirian miracle."

Indeed, if judged on the basis of political stability and economic performance during its first twenty years of independence, Côte d'Ivoire does appear unique: it has had only one president and no coups since gaining independence, and between 1960 and 1979 the gross national product (GNP) grew by almost 8 percent per year, compared with minimal or negative growth rates elsewhere in Africa. However, that growth produced large - some would have said dysfunctional - disparities in wealth and income and skewed development.


This Day in 2010:

As Ivory Coast celebrates 50 years of independence today, impunity, a lack of elections, and the constant threat of political violence hangs over the divided country. At a recent event in Washington, a Ivorian civil society representative, Patrick Ngouan, explained Ivory Coast faces a dilemma. He said there were two options, either to deal with its history of impunity, or to give the priority to long-delayed elections.

Ngouan said he favors having a free and fair election first, and then letting the next government deal with judicial issues.

Since the 1990s, there have been a series of massacres, army uprisings and ethnic clashes across Ivory Coast which have killed thousands of people but which, in terms of justice, have gone unaccounted for.

[Sources: various]

This Day in 1960:

Côte d'Ivoire (Ivory Coast) attracted both French and Portuguese merchants in the 15th century who were in search of ivory and slaves. French traders set up establishments early in the 19th century, and in 1842, the French obtained territorial concessions from local tribes, gradually extending their influence along the coast and inland and controlling its ivory and cocoa resources.

France officially made Côte d’Ivoire a French colony in 1893. By 1956 voting was equal for everyone in Côte d’Ivoire, and in 1958 the country became by referendum an autonomous member of the French Community. Shortly after on August 7, 1960, Côte d’Ivoire declared itself independent from France. Félix Houphouët-Boigny, after 13 years of service in the French National Assembly, became Cote d’Ivoire’s first prime minister in April 1959, and the following year he was elected as its first president having ruled until his death in 1993.

Observers of Africa have often characterized Côte d'Ivoire as different from the rest of Africa. Borrowing the metaphor of Félix Houphouët-Boigny, president of Côte d'Ivoire, they have described it as an oasis of political stability and economic prosperity - in short, the "Ivoirian miracle."

Indeed, if judged on the basis of political stability and economic performance during its first twenty years of independence, Côte d'Ivoire does appear unique: it has had only one president and no coups since gaining independence, and between 1960 and 1979 the gross national product (GNP) grew by almost 8 percent per year, compared with minimal or negative growth rates elsewhere in Africa. However, that growth produced large - some would have said dysfunctional - disparities in wealth and income and skewed development.


This Day in 2010:

As Ivory Coast celebrates 50 years of independence today, impunity, a lack of elections, and the constant threat of political violence hangs over the divided country. At a recent event in Washington, a Ivorian civil society representative, Patrick Ngouan, explained Ivory Coast faces a dilemma. He said there were two options, either to deal with its history of impunity, or to give the priority to long-delayed elections.

Ngouan said he favors having a free and fair election first, and then letting the next government deal with judicial issues.

Since the 1990s, there have been a series of massacres, army uprisings and ethnic clashes across Ivory Coast which have killed thousands of people but which, in terms of justice, have gone unaccounted for.

[Sources: various]

On the 50th anniversary of Africa's 1st independent nation: Remembering Kwame Nkrumah [R]*

KWAME NKRUMAH (1909-1972)


Kwame Nkrumah, the leader of the Gold Coast's movement toward independence from Britain during the 1940s and '50s, headed the new nation of Ghana following its independence in 1957 until 1966, when he was overthrown by a coup.

Excerpt from "Commanding Heights" by Daniel Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw, 1998 ed., pp. 83-88. (Simon & Schuster, Inc., N.Y.)



-- In the period of [African colonial independence] the beacon country from Africa was Ghana, first to achieve independence in 1957. The new nation's most influential figure was its prime minister, later president, Kwame Nkrumah. When Nkrumah was born in 1910, Ghana was still the Gold Coast, a British colony known for its plantations and for being the world's largest producer of cocoa. Its frontiers were the result of bargains among the colonial powers - Britain, France, and Germany - that did not correspond to the historical boundaries of the kingdoms that preceded colonization, particularly the once-mighty Ashanti empire.

Nkrumah, who came from a modest, traditional family, received his early education at the hands of Catholic missionaries. He went on to train as a teacher and for a few years taught elementary school in towns along the coast. He was popular and charismatic, and earned a decent living. But exposure to politics and to a few influential figures sparked in him a greater interest - to go to America. He applied to universities in the United States, and with money raised from relatives, he set out on a steamer in 1935. He reached New York almost penniless, and took refuge with fellow West Africans in Harlem. He then presented himself at Lincoln University in Pennsylvania and enrolled; a small scholarship and a campus job helped him make ends meet.

In the United States, Nkrumah saw alternatives to the British tradition of government. He also became suffused with an acute consciousness of the politics of race relations. Unlike many new African leaders, who sought to emulate their European instructors, Nkrumah plunged into America's black communities. Founded before the Civil War, Lincoln University was America's oldest black college, and its special atmosphere inspired and comforted Nkrumah. In the summers, he worked at physically demanding jobs - in shipyards and construction at sea. He studied theology as well as philosophy; he frequented the black churches in New York and Philadelphia and was sometimes asked to preach. He also forged ties with black American intellectuals, for whom Africa was becoming, in this time of political change, an area of extreme interest. Moving to London after World War II, Nkrumah helped organize Pan-African congresses, linking the emergent educated groups of the African colonies with activists, writers, artists, and well-wishers from the industrial countries. It was a time of great intellectual ferment, excitement, and optimism. India's achievement of independence in 1947 stirred dreams of freedom for the other colonies. "If we get self-government," Nkrumah proclaimed, "we'll transform the Gold Coast into a paradise in 10 years."

READ MORE HERE


*[First posted 17/03/07]

KWAME NKRUMAH (1909-1972)


Kwame Nkrumah, the leader of the Gold Coast's movement toward independence from Britain during the 1940s and '50s, headed the new nation of Ghana following its independence in 1957 until 1966, when he was overthrown by a coup.

Excerpt from "Commanding Heights" by Daniel Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw, 1998 ed., pp. 83-88. (Simon & Schuster, Inc., N.Y.)



-- In the period of [African colonial independence] the beacon country from Africa was Ghana, first to achieve independence in 1957. The new nation's most influential figure was its prime minister, later president, Kwame Nkrumah. When Nkrumah was born in 1910, Ghana was still the Gold Coast, a British colony known for its plantations and for being the world's largest producer of cocoa. Its frontiers were the result of bargains among the colonial powers - Britain, France, and Germany - that did not correspond to the historical boundaries of the kingdoms that preceded colonization, particularly the once-mighty Ashanti empire.

Nkrumah, who came from a modest, traditional family, received his early education at the hands of Catholic missionaries. He went on to train as a teacher and for a few years taught elementary school in towns along the coast. He was popular and charismatic, and earned a decent living. But exposure to politics and to a few influential figures sparked in him a greater interest - to go to America. He applied to universities in the United States, and with money raised from relatives, he set out on a steamer in 1935. He reached New York almost penniless, and took refuge with fellow West Africans in Harlem. He then presented himself at Lincoln University in Pennsylvania and enrolled; a small scholarship and a campus job helped him make ends meet.

In the United States, Nkrumah saw alternatives to the British tradition of government. He also became suffused with an acute consciousness of the politics of race relations. Unlike many new African leaders, who sought to emulate their European instructors, Nkrumah plunged into America's black communities. Founded before the Civil War, Lincoln University was America's oldest black college, and its special atmosphere inspired and comforted Nkrumah. In the summers, he worked at physically demanding jobs - in shipyards and construction at sea. He studied theology as well as philosophy; he frequented the black churches in New York and Philadelphia and was sometimes asked to preach. He also forged ties with black American intellectuals, for whom Africa was becoming, in this time of political change, an area of extreme interest. Moving to London after World War II, Nkrumah helped organize Pan-African congresses, linking the emergent educated groups of the African colonies with activists, writers, artists, and well-wishers from the industrial countries. It was a time of great intellectual ferment, excitement, and optimism. India's achievement of independence in 1947 stirred dreams of freedom for the other colonies. "If we get self-government," Nkrumah proclaimed, "we'll transform the Gold Coast into a paradise in 10 years."

READ MORE HERE


*[First posted 17/03/07]

MO IBRAHIM'S LEADERSHIP PRIZE TO FESTUS MOGAE

As a former "honorary citizen" of Botswana, I say: good choice.

[You can listen to Kofi Annan's awarding speech here]

As a former "honorary citizen" of Botswana, I say: good choice.

[You can listen to Kofi Annan's awarding speech here]

MANDELA'S STATUE UNVEILED IN LONDON

Attended by large crowds and graced by a gospel choir and some pomp and circumstance, a statue of Nelson Mandela was unveiled today in London, at Parliament Square, alongside those of Jan Smuts, Winston Churchill, Benjamin Disraeli and Abraham Lincoln.

The ceremony was introduced by Lord Attenborough, trustee of the Mandela Statue Fund and perhaps best known as director of the highly acclaimed film Cry Freedom, based on the life of Steve Biko and the experiences of the late South African anti-apartheid activist Donald Woods, who had the original idea for the statue.

On the occasion, PM Gordon Brown referred to Mandela as “the most inspiring and greatest leader of our generation” who would be “forever remembered as the man who symbolised the end of Apartheid in South Africa”, adding “from this day forward, this statue will stand here, in sight of this ancient forum of democracy to commemorate and celebrate for the ages triumph in the greatest of causes. This statue is a beacon of hope."

In his speech, Mandela recalled how, during a visit to London with the late Oliver Tambo 45 years ago, "we half-joked that we hoped one day a statue of a black person would be erected here alongside that of General Smuts" and stated: "Though this statue is of one man, it should in actual fact symbolise all those who have resisted oppression, especially in my country. The history of the struggle in South Africa is rich with the story of heroes and heroines; some of them leaders, some of them followers: all of them deserve to be remembered."

Attended by large crowds and graced by a gospel choir and some pomp and circumstance, a statue of Nelson Mandela was unveiled today in London, at Parliament Square, alongside those of Jan Smuts, Winston Churchill, Benjamin Disraeli and Abraham Lincoln.

The ceremony was introduced by Lord Attenborough, trustee of the Mandela Statue Fund and perhaps best known as director of the highly acclaimed film Cry Freedom, based on the life of Steve Biko and the experiences of the late South African anti-apartheid activist Donald Woods, who had the original idea for the statue.

On the occasion, PM Gordon Brown referred to Mandela as “the most inspiring and greatest leader of our generation” who would be “forever remembered as the man who symbolised the end of Apartheid in South Africa”, adding “from this day forward, this statue will stand here, in sight of this ancient forum of democracy to commemorate and celebrate for the ages triumph in the greatest of causes. This statue is a beacon of hope."

In his speech, Mandela recalled how, during a visit to London with the late Oliver Tambo 45 years ago, "we half-joked that we hoped one day a statue of a black person would be erected here alongside that of General Smuts" and stated: "Though this statue is of one man, it should in actual fact symbolise all those who have resisted oppression, especially in my country. The history of the struggle in South Africa is rich with the story of heroes and heroines; some of them leaders, some of them followers: all of them deserve to be remembered."

OUTBLOGGING @ GLOBAL VOICES ONLINE (II)

Enquanto navegava pela blogosfera Moçambicana, encontrei o “Diário de um Sociólogo”, um blog de Carlos Serra, sociólogo Moçambicano baseado em Maputo e associado à Universidade Eduardo Mondlane, a universidade pública do país. Tem, portanto, o potencial de oferecer uma interessante mistura de observação pessoal e comentário acadêmico, no meio de, como ele o apresenta, “um pouco de tudo: sociologia (em especial uma sociologia de intervenção rápida), filosofia, dia-a-dia, profundidade, superficialidade, ironia, poesia, fragilidade, força, mito, desnudamento de mitos, emoção e razão.”

Das suas actuais ofertas decidi pegar numa análise comparativa entre as posições políticas do recém-eleito Presidente Francês, Nicolas Sarkozy, e do Presidente Moçambicano, Armando Guebuza. Apresentada em quatro partes, a análise começa com esta pergunta, “Existe alguma afinidade política entre os programas políticos do presidente Sarkozy de França e do presidente Guebuza de Moçambique?”, sendo as restantes três partes dedicadas à resposta. Assim vai:


(LER ARTIGO AQUI)

Enquanto navegava pela blogosfera Moçambicana, encontrei o “Diário de um Sociólogo”, um blog de Carlos Serra, sociólogo Moçambicano baseado em Maputo e associado à Universidade Eduardo Mondlane, a universidade pública do país. Tem, portanto, o potencial de oferecer uma interessante mistura de observação pessoal e comentário acadêmico, no meio de, como ele o apresenta, “um pouco de tudo: sociologia (em especial uma sociologia de intervenção rápida), filosofia, dia-a-dia, profundidade, superficialidade, ironia, poesia, fragilidade, força, mito, desnudamento de mitos, emoção e razão.”

Das suas actuais ofertas decidi pegar numa análise comparativa entre as posições políticas do recém-eleito Presidente Francês, Nicolas Sarkozy, e do Presidente Moçambicano, Armando Guebuza. Apresentada em quatro partes, a análise começa com esta pergunta, “Existe alguma afinidade política entre os programas políticos do presidente Sarkozy de França e do presidente Guebuza de Moçambique?”, sendo as restantes três partes dedicadas à resposta. Assim vai:


(LER ARTIGO AQUI)

BRITAIN'S NEW PM: BROWN NOW SERVING...

WHAT DO I CARE?

Basically, about 3 things:

1. That Gordon Brown, who, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, sounded the most committed western decision-maker to the Millennium Development Goals and mainstream so-called "pro-poor" policies, keeps and extends that commitment (ideally by giving more centre stage to African-based concerns increasingly distancing themselves from "Bono-style" charity campaigns...) and effectively stands and delivers on it;

2. That he succeeds at achieving a speedy withdrawal of British troops from Iraq and Afghanistan and wisely guides Blair on his new role as putative Middle East peace broker (also hoping that he manages to get Alan Johnston out of there alive);

3. That he manages to put an halt to what emerged in the last few years of New Labour's government as new "facts of life" in Britain, e.g. gun and knife crime and what seems a general deterioration of council services everywhere, particularly bearing in mind that he was the man responsible for increasing council tax to the unprecedented levels witnessed in the last decade.

That said, I wish him the best of luck in, as he promised today in his inauguration speech, "trying (his) utmost" in "the work of change"!

WHAT DO I CARE?

Basically, about 3 things:

1. That Gordon Brown, who, as Chancellor of the Exchequer, sounded the most committed western decision-maker to the Millennium Development Goals and mainstream so-called "pro-poor" policies, keeps and extends that commitment (ideally by giving more centre stage to African-based concerns increasingly distancing themselves from "Bono-style" charity campaigns...) and effectively stands and delivers on it;

2. That he succeeds at achieving a speedy withdrawal of British troops from Iraq and Afghanistan and wisely guides Blair on his new role as putative Middle East peace broker (also hoping that he manages to get Alan Johnston out of there alive);

3. That he manages to put an halt to what emerged in the last few years of New Labour's government as new "facts of life" in Britain, e.g. gun and knife crime and what seems a general deterioration of council services everywhere, particularly bearing in mind that he was the man responsible for increasing council tax to the unprecedented levels witnessed in the last decade.

That said, I wish him the best of luck in, as he promised today in his inauguration speech, "trying (his) utmost" in "the work of change"!

BROWN: "READY TO SERVE"...

"... The challenge of change: giving the party not just policies, but a soul...

New Labour, New Era",

so he says.

(So be it, I say)

"... The challenge of change: giving the party not just policies, but a soul...

New Labour, New Era",

so he says.

(So be it, I say)

OBAMA VS. CLINTON: THE MOTHER OF ALL BATTLES? ('Take 3')

"THE BOTTOM LINE"

In the comments to 'Take 2' of this series, I and this blog's friend Cleo, from the US, exchanged views on the role of money in US politics, particularly as far as running for major elections goes. When thinking about that, expressions like "pulling power", "the power of money", "money talks" or "putting your money where your mouth is" always spring to mind...

Well, yesterday, Obama, who is now being talked about in the media as "the candidate with the Midas touch", made headlines with the disclosure that his fundraising campaign has managed to attract so far more than $25 million compared to Hillary's $26 million, in spite of the latter's relative pole position in the race. Perhaps more telling, Obama got so far some 50 thousand more democratic contributors, counting on 2 million more via the internet, than Hillary. Furthermore, none of the money Obama got so far came from corporate or institutional lobbies and he is allowed to spend $23.5 million in the primaries while Hillary can only use $20 million of her $26 million raised so far to the same effect.

As Jesse Jackson Jr., son of the Reverend who once was also a Black candidate to the US presidential elections, said: "This is a long journey to the White House and Obama is driving the fastest car." Or, as an American political analyst put it, "if money talks then Obama has a lot to say."

What do you think?

"THE BOTTOM LINE"

In the comments to 'Take 2' of this series, I and this blog's friend Cleo, from the US, exchanged views on the role of money in US politics, particularly as far as running for major elections goes. When thinking about that, expressions like "pulling power", "the power of money", "money talks" or "putting your money where your mouth is" always spring to mind...

Well, yesterday, Obama, who is now being talked about in the media as "the candidate with the Midas touch", made headlines with the disclosure that his fundraising campaign has managed to attract so far more than $25 million compared to Hillary's $26 million, in spite of the latter's relative pole position in the race. Perhaps more telling, Obama got so far some 50 thousand more democratic contributors, counting on 2 million more via the internet, than Hillary. Furthermore, none of the money Obama got so far came from corporate or institutional lobbies and he is allowed to spend $23.5 million in the primaries while Hillary can only use $20 million of her $26 million raised so far to the same effect.

As Jesse Jackson Jr., son of the Reverend who once was also a Black candidate to the US presidential elections, said: "This is a long journey to the White House and Obama is driving the fastest car." Or, as an American political analyst put it, "if money talks then Obama has a lot to say."

What do you think?