... ... ...
... ... ...
... ... ...
NEWS & VIEWS
CARPE DIEM
Showing posts with label AFRIKA. Show all posts
Showing posts with label AFRIKA. Show all posts

August 22, 2008

WHAT AFRICAN WOMEN NEED - 2

"Education for Southern Africa"

Graca Machel Scholarship Programme

Canon Collins Trust currently manages a scholarship programme on behalf of Mrs. Graca Machel. The aim is to provide female students from Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, South Africa and Zambia with scholarships that will equip them to take up leadership roles for the benefit of their community, nation and region.

One of the key concerns of Mrs. Machel is giving a voice to rural women and the scholarship is therefore aimed at empowering rural women. The Graça Machel scholarship is for women who have experienced significant struggle in their life and who have sought to overcome those barriers, be they related to gender, disability, poverty, age or racial discrimination. Applicants will be expected to demonstrate clearly how their application fits within this vision of empowerment.

Postgraduate Study: All scholarships are for postgraduate study, for two years if based in South Africa. The scholarship includes payment of a maintenance allowance, travel, health insurance and tuition fees.

Candidates: Scholarships are awarded on a competitive basis to women on the basis of academic/professional merit, financial need, intended academic programme, leadership potential and commitment to work for constructive change in Africa. Applicants must have at least two years' relevant work experience.

Subject Areas: Health, Education, Science & Technology, Economics & Finance, Development Applications outside these areas will not be considered.

Closing Date: 31st August 2008

More details here.

August 13, 2008

WHAT AFRICAN WOMEN NEED - 1


[Find out here]

July 31, 2008

MY LAST ARTICLE FOR AFRICANPATH

DEVELOPMENT AID TO AFRICA: QUO VADIS? (Part II)


Poverty is in the eye of the beholder _ Amartya Sen, Nobel Prize of Economics

A year has passed since the much talked about issue of Vanity Fair on Africa, with its spectacular twenty different covers. It has also been a year since I wrote my first take on it, expressed my reticences about the Sachs v. Easterly debate and promised to come back to Sachs’ ‘Big Dream’ for Africa… I finally decided to come back to it, but I’m afraid only to reiterate my initial reticences. This is, therefore, my last take on the issue – which is only appropriate since this is also my last article for Africanpath.


I wrote in that first take that my reticences stemmed mainly from the realisation that most of the issues raised by that and other related debates were not essentially about economics but about charitable aid. And that I maintain. So, why write about it again? Well, firstly, because I always make it a point to keep my promises (even if only a year later…) and, secondly, because there are, nevertheless, a few considerations I deem worthy of making about the world of “development aid” or, to be more precise, the world of the “charitable aid industry” to Africa and Africans, from an economic perspective.

From the top of my head I can think of a few established “engines of growth” in the developing world, such as ‘infrastructure development’, ‘technology transfer’, ‘seed capital’, ‘value-addition to raw materials’, ‘comparative advantages-based trade’, ‘self-sustained agriculture’, ‘redistribution of assets’, ‘small business development’, ‘social enterprise’, ‘primary and secondary education’, ‘vocational training’, ‘learning by doing’, 'women's political and economic empowerment', ‘institutional strengthening and organisational streamlining’, etc., among a range of inputs across the various economic sectors that can significantly contribute to endogenous economic, human and social development.

However, I never came across one single development model where ‘charity’ plays any meaningful role as an “engine of growth”, whichever way we approach it. That said, I recognise that it is extremely difficult to achieve any significant level of development when large segments of the population of a country or region are affected by HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis or Malaria – and here Sachs’ projects and the money he is able to raise for them play a role in saving lives and improving the living conditions of such affected populations, thereby securing the basis upon which to build strong economies in the continent.

Unfortunately, though, there is a major drawback to that kind of projects which ultimately prevents them, in most cases, from being taken as reliable and sustainable inputs to development: they are randomly located and funded and, more importantly, exogenously determined and disconnected from the targeted regions and countries’ economic, political and institutional structures. At this point, I am compelled to return to that Vanity Fair issue to recast the tale of that African Health Minister who was so grateful to Sachs for the extra money she got for her ministry’s budget and Sachs’ expressed outrage at the “ridiculously small budget allocated to health” in that and other African countries.

Of course he was right about that. I wonder, however, how much of the current African governments’ budgetary strife in the education, health and other social sectors could have been prevented if Sachs had expressed the same level of outrage when he was in a position to do so throughout the 80s and 90s when the ‘Structural Adjustment Programmes’ for Africa, spearheaded by the Bretton Woods Institutions, were being inspired and actively guided by his “universal shock therapy” prescriptions?

That question leads me to one critical ‘entry point’ to the understanding of the ever growing “charitable aid industry” to Africa and its current branching out to NGOs operating in virtually all sectors of policy making in the continent – yes, it is an industry: it increasingly operates as an employer of choice for the masses of young, and the not so young, unemployed or under-employed people flocking to Africa to fulfill all sorts of needs, dreams and fantasies (including this one, or those which led to this report), while crowding-out the masses of unemployed and under-employed Africans who, more often than not, end up in the West as immigrants invariably treated as a ‘burden’ to the host countries’ public budgets, which are themselves continuously ‘balanced’ by the transfers and remittances from their aid organisations and workers in Africa and the relief of part of the budgetary pressures induced by their domestic levels of unemployment; and it is self-justified: with very few notable exceptions, it tends to lack openness and transparency as far as its raison d’etre and modus operandi are concerned, hardly contributes to any transfer of know-how or technology relevant to its target groups or countries’ self-reliance and, in order to maintain the continuous influx of donations and public funding it relies upon, often resorts to over-dramatising, thus reinforcing, the problems it was supposed to help solve in the first place.

That critical ‘entry point’ refers to the, concealed or overly assumed, sense of ‘guilt’ apparently moving its main protagonists and determining the way poverty in Africa is seen through the eyes of their beholders – the same eyes which appear wide shut to such realities as the one reported just two days ago by the Black AIDS Institute, according to which the incidence of HIV/AIDS in the US is higher than that observed in some of the African countries most affected by the epidemic, such as Botswana or Uganda. It is this sense of (just misguided or simply irrational?) ‘guilt’ which is acting as a “engine of growth” for that self-justified industry and, with its self-centered, self-righteous captains often perceived in the recipient countries as the ‘new colonisers’ or the ‘new missionaries’ (yes, “The White Man’s Burden” is back with a vengeance…), perpetuating the dependency structures that have characterised for centuries the relationship between the West and Africa – a continent many invariably conceive as an abstract entity only awaiting their arrival to materialise itself into real countries with real (if frequently failing) governments, real people with dreams and aspirations of their own, real cities and villages with their own rhythms and paces, real cultures and institutions with their own history, in short, a real continent with its own place in the world. Thus all seems to suggest that the “charitable aid industry” has been more effective as a guilt relief engine than a poverty relief one.

I would like to finish on a positive note, though, by calling your attention to this young African and the inspiration and faith in the future of the continent he has been inspiring: now, that’s what I call a ‘Cheetah’!

July 22, 2008

IS THIS FOR GOOD?




[Read story here]

July 12, 2008

BE MY GUEST! (I - VERONICA BENESI)

Nós, brasileiros, temos muito de África no nosso dia-a-dia. África está muito presente nos quatro cantos deste país, seja na dança, na música, nas artes-plásticas, na culinária e, muito fortemente, ligados pela História e pela Língua. Eu até poderia, facilmente, parar por aqui e dizer que tudo isso me levou a escrever o “África”. Mas não seria uma verdade completa.
Todos sabem que a base do povo brasileiro é composta por africano, português e índio. Se fosse somente pelo aspecto histórico-cultural eu poderia ter escrito um poema dedicado a “Portugal” ou mesmo aos “Índios”...
A verdade é que desde bem pequena eu já gostava de tudo que se relacionava à África: as músicas que se tocava nos terreiros de Umbanda e Candomblé, embora eu tenha nascido no seio de uma família católica; a Capoeira é fascinante! A religião, os Orixás, as artes, o jeito exótico com que as mulheres se vestem. O Samba!!! (ritmo bom demais), que é também de origem africana e tem seu significado ligado às danças típicas tribais daquele continente.
Ainda não pude pisar, infelizmente, o solo africano. Nunca estive em nenhum país da África. Mas já está nos meus planos uma visita aos “manos”. Gente admirável! tão forte, tão resistente às agruras sofridas no passado... E também no presente, com suas mazelas, que, guardadas as devidas proporções, são bem parecidas com as do Brasil.
Brasil e África estão “entrelaçados” por muitos pontos. E, embora geograficamente tão distantes, “entre” esses “laços” eu me posiciono: uma parte, sangue brasileiro; outra parte, africano.
Por todas essas razões (ou melhor, emoções) a motivação maior para escrever o poema “África” veio mesmo do coração.

Kandandos carinhosos da “mana” brasileira,

Veronica

Belo Horizonte, 10 de julho de 2008.


*****

ÁFRICA

(Aos manos Africanos)

África
O que fizeram de ti...
.
África Negra
De tantas riquezas
Quanto mal a ti
Fizeram
À tua gente
À tua beleza
.
África Incolor
- porque a alma
não tem cor -
O que fizeram a ti
Ao longo
Desse monstruoso
Holocausto
- que perdura! -
De opressão e de dor

África Mãe
O que fizeram a ti...
.
Alheios
Ao teu consentimento
Teus filhos
Foram arrancados
Do teu seio
E acorrentados
Passaram a viver
Suas Histórias de porão
Por mares
Nunca d’antes navegados
O mar da escuridão...

O mesmo mar
Que tuas lágrimas
Ajudaram a salgar
.
África Retinta
Teu tão extenso
Continente
Diz a toda a gente
Tu és Preta
Tu és Black
Tu és Negra
Tu és Branca
És Negra Assa
[1]
Tu és Fula[2]
És Mama-África
.
Estás em todos
Os lares
Em todos os Cantos
E recantos
Desses Mares
.
Mas não apenas
Os de Lusitanos ares
.
Também, aqui,
Na América do Sul
Há uma gente
Que de irmã te chama
Que é parte de ti
E do teu drama
.
Uma gente
Que se orgulha
De ter teu sangue
Nas veias
Corrente
Teus descendentes
.
Somos nós
Da Terra das Palmeiras
Onde canta o sabiá
Teus manos
De cá
Das terras Brasileiras
.
Hoje um oceano nos separa
Mas aqui deixaste
Uma herança de base
A tua fala
Estás cotidianamente
Presente
No “pirão”, na “quitanda”,
No “samba”, no “fubá”...
- “Oxalá”!
.
África Diáspora
Agora mais do que nunca
Levanta-te
Toca teu tambor
Mostra ao mundo
A Cor
Desse teu imenso
Valor
.
(Veronica Benesi)

Belo Horizonte, MG, Brasil, 02 de junho de 2008.

[1] Assa (A) — o negro albino
[2] Fula (A) — de cor parda e brilhante (filha de pessoa mulata e negra)

*****
Veronica blogs @ COM TODAS AS LETRAS





Free file hosting by Ripway.com



Veronica - Virginia Rodrigues

[Read about the song Veronica, here]

July 04, 2008

"O QUE E' ISSO DA IDENTIDADE?"

A proposito de dois diferentes encontros academicos, duas abordagens da questao da "identidade":

O Conselho para o Desenvolvimento da Pesquisa em Ciências Sociais em África(CODESRIA) lança um apelo a comunicações por ocasião do colóquio sobre o tema «Mestiçagens socioculturais e procura de identidade na África contemporânea: o caso dos países africanos lusófonos», que pretende organizar nos dias 15 e 16 de Setembro de 2008 na Cidade da Praia (CaboVerde) no âmbito da Iniciativa África Lusófona do CODESRIA.
(...)
Na África, independentemente das formas que adoptaram, a realidade e os interesses coloniais fizeram com que a problemática do encontro entre sociedades humanas com representações e valores diferentes suscitasse as análises e os juízos mais controversos. Os estudos realizados pelos colonizadores interessavam-se na problemática da mestiçagem unicamente pela necessidade de compreender melhor estas sociedades, de consolidar melhor a sua política discriminatória, de geri-las melhor e, em última instância, de as dominar. Este procedimento tornou-se mais urgente ainda no período entreas duas guerras mundiais, quando os colonizadores começaram a instalar-se de maneira mais permanente criando aglomerados de povoamento europeus mais estáveis nos centros urbanos africanos, ainda que a proporção de europeus e assimilados permanecesse fraca em relação à população total do continente. O aumento da presença europeia nos territórios colonizados e as consequências daí decorrentes contribuíram assim para o desenvolvimento de uma antropologia que só visava fins utilitaristas, e pouco preocupada com uma explicação científica dos fenómenos sociais.
(...)
Durante as lutas pela independência e a época que se seguiu, o tema da mestiçagem regressou com força à agenda de muitos dos pensadores engajados na batalha de desconstrução dos preconceitos coloniais. Aimé Césaire e Léopold Sédar Senghor articularam assim o tema da mestiçagem com o da negritude. No centro das suas preocupações estava a questão das trocas culturais e da contribuição dos negros "africanos" para os valores"universais". Nesta perspectiva, Senghor chegará mesmo a dizer que "toda grande civilização é mestiçagem cultural".


DIMENSÃO PROTO-BANTU E IDENTIDADE CULTURAL
Simão Souindoula

Após uma evolução pós-independência trintenária, é , historicamente, justo de interrogar-se, mais uma vez, sobre a substância que constitui a identidade cultural nacional do nosso país. Este conjunto de particularidades que permite uma estampilhagem cultural distinta da nação angolana, em plena edificação, tem vertentes de carácter antropólogico, histórico mas também linguístico. E, esta última dimensão é justamente o objecto do presente encontro.
(...)
Neste quadro e tendo em conta o facto de que o actual território de Angola é povoado, maioritariamente, de populações falando línguas, que são classificadas como bantu, tentaremos, portanto, pôr em relevo, em primeiro lugar, um dos pontos de parentesco genético desses falares, que é o proto-bantu. Este realce nos permitirá apreciar, em segundo e última instância, as vias, podendo desenvolver a referida identidade e garantir, concomitantemente, uma coexistência social pacífica e uma coesão nacional aceitável.
(...)
Uma análise cruzada do conjunto dos dados arqueológicos, linguísticos e antropólogicos postos em evidência, nesses últimos anos, atesta que, pouco antes da nossa era, algumas regiões do actual território de Angola eram já povoadas de comunidades metalurgistas e ceramistas, e portanto, este facto, provavelmente,na sua maioria, locutores de línguas bantu. Essas populações engajarão, até o século XIX, um longo processo de sedentarização e de ocupação de territórios que dará ao país a sua configuração etno-linguìstica actual.
(...)
A classificação, hoje, geralmente aceite, dos falares bantu em Angola, permite distinguir uma dezena de unidades-línguas. Recordar-se-á , assim: - no nordoeste, o kikongo e o kimbundu- no nordeste, o cokwé- no Planalto central, o umbundu- no sudeste, o tchingangela - nos Planaltos a Huíla, o olunyaneka- e, enfim, no sul, o tchikwanyama, o tchielelo e o tchindonga.

[Fotos daqui]

May 29, 2008

CELEBRAR O DIA DE AFRICA EM LISBOA

Foi o que me foi permitido fazer este ano, atraves de um amavel convite que me foi enderecado pelo Decano do Grupo Africano de Embaixadores,
S. Excia. Assuncao dos Anjos, Embaixador da Republica de Angola em Portugal, para participar num coloquio sob o tema "Africa-Europa: Os Acordos de Parceria Economica - Que Perspectivas?"


O Grupo Africano de Embaixadores naquele pais, por iniciativa do Embaixador Assuncao dos Anjos, tem vindo a realizar anualmente este evento, genericamente dedicado as relacoes Europa-Africa, em celebracao do Dia de Africa.
A minha comunicacao ao coloquio deste ano, integrada no Painel II: Perspectivas das Parcerias Economicas no Quadro da OMC, versou sobre os Acordos de Parceria Economica EU/Africa e os seus impactos nos processos de integracao regional em Africa, com particular atencao ao caso da SADC.
Foi um evento bastante rico em intervencoes e troca de ideias, cujas actas, a semelhanca do que tem vindo a acontecer em anos anteriores, serao oportunamente publicadas em livro.
Devo, para alem, obviamente, de um agradecimento especial ao Embaixador Assuncao dos Anjos, um tutondele tambem muito especial ao Adido Cultural de Angola em Portugal, Luis Kandjimbo, por esta oportunidade que me permitiu regressar a Lisboa depois de mais de uma decada e rever pessoas que ja' nao via ha' pelo menos igual numero de anos.





Free file hosting by Ripway.com



Wakafrika (Manu Dibango)

May 22, 2008

WHAT’S THE WORD ON JOHANNESBURG (AGAIN)?*


For the last ten days the word has been violence spurred by xenophobia. Nothing can justify the levels it has reached, but it certainly begs explanation, understanding and rational, long-term, solutions. A common definition of ‘xenophobia’ will hold it as “a strong feeling of dislike or fear of people from other countries.” Is this really what explains the appalling scenes from Johannesburg’s shacklands being shown in the media all over the world? I do not believe that South Africans in general fundamentally ‘dislike’ people from other countries, but there is certainly some degree of ‘fear’ behind the shameful attacks against foreigners of the last few days. So, perhaps ‘xenophobia’ only explains part of the issue - more precisely, the part arising from fear. But fear of what exactly?

I think it is safe to posit that it might be fear of being engulfed, overtaken, swamped by massive inflows of economic migrants from all over the continent. Fear of losing out on a totally uncontrolled competition for access to all of their already meagre sources of survival: jobs (or just the increasingly fewer employment opportunities available), housing (or just the decreasing space for their own shacks or more solid and larger houses for their families), marketplace (or just their shrinking share of the local informal markets), food (just bound to become even more expensive and of limited availability as the current food crisis spreads around the globe), health (compounded by the AIDS pandemic in the region) and education (whatever little of it they may access in a financially restricted educational system).

In short, fear of losing out on an open competition for scarce resources and extremely limited opportunities. Hardly anything new elsewhere in the world or in South Africa itself. In effect, Black South Africans have seen the chances of improvement in their living standards undercut by labour competition from the region and the wider continent for more than a century, particularly in the backbone of the country’s economy: the mining industry.

A brief look at the economic history of the Johannesburg region (also known as the ‘Witwatersrand’, or simply the ‘Rand’) tells us that monopsonic control (i.e. control of the labour market by a single employer that sets all rules and wages) of recruiting for the mining industry was vital for the ‘Randlords’. The mining industry was faced with diminishing returns and rising costs of operation, which could not be passed on to the consumer due to the fixed price of gold. Therefore, it vitally depended on the institutionalisation of oscillant migrant labour: only an infinitely elastic supply of labour at rates lower than its marginal product could guarantee profitability.

Monopsonistic organisation of employers, especially in its ability to generate economies of scale by reducing the costs of recruiting, transportation and accommodation of migrants from outside South Africa, prevented competition for labour from pushing wages up. This required an immobilised, disorganised and dependent labour force, the maintenance of which was guaranteed by an array of segregationist policies restricting access of Africans to skilled jobs and their permanent urbanisation, thus hindering their ability to acquire and develop bargaining skills.

In 1893, the South African Chamber of Mines established a ‘Native Labour Department’ with the explicit objective of taking “active steps for the gradual reduction of native wages to a reasonable level.” This was followed, in 1896, by the creation of the ‘Rand Native Labour Association’ which, a year later, claimed to have promoted an increase in employment by over 500% above its level in 1890 “without any appreciable rise in wages.” By the end of the century, the organisation of recruiting had managed to increase the level of African employment by 600% at a wage rate below what it had been at the beginning of the mining industry.[1]

Yet, in spite of that achievement, competition for regional labour still prevailed in the industry and, in 1900, employers created the ‘Witwatersrand Native Labour Association’ (WNLA), which was the only body allowed to recruit in Mozambique, the main source of labour supply. The WNLA was to structurally define the regional labour market, for the rest of the last century to this day, as one of dependency for migrant workers and permanent low wages for Black South Africans – certainly lower than what they could have been if not for the institutionalised influxes of foreign migrant labour.

It is against this historical background that the growing tensions, conflicts and, ultimately, extreme violence of the last few days ought to be analysed. Of course, since the end of Apartheid, a mere 14 years ago, substantial changes have occurred in the nature of institutional relations within South Africa and between the countries in the region and in the structure of the regional labour market, translating into a relatively stronger bargaining power for the South African labour force. Along the last century, there was also a significant diversification of the South African economy away from the mining industry.

However, and in spite of the prevailing status of South Africa as the regional powerhouse, poverty and social exclusion levels in the country have not decreased sufficiently as to offset the potentially distortionary effects on the local economy of a permanent influx of economic migrants from all over the continent, as far afield as Nigeria and, for the best part of the last decade, particularly from Zimbabwe. Although official figures show only around 120,000 people applying for asylum in South Africa in the last decade, at least another million Africans - and some estimates say two million - have moved there (figures from 2005). And this time without any regulator, such as the WNLA, to somehow control it. To quote Mamphela Ramphele, Co- Chair of the Global Commission on International Migration, “South Africa is finding it difficult to absorb the flows of immigrants, which have increased faster than the South African economy. We are like a little Europe, without her resources.”

This is a reality that the South African government, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the African Union (AU) have to tackle with unwavering determination. In particular, SADC and the AU have, more than ever before, the duty, under their existing general legal and institutional frameworks and specific sectoral protocols, to regulate economic migration fluxes within the continent in such a way as to guarantee that both migrants and host country residents have their economic, social and human rights protected.

Moreover, all countries in the continent (and here I am particularly thinking about my own country of origin, Angola, which has also been attracting significant levels of migrants from all over the continent and the rest of the world since the end of the war) must understand the current events as a desperate cry from the poor and socially excluded for their governments to put their houses in order, i.e. to improve their economic and governance performances, and in particular their income redistribution policies and social support systems, in order to, if not totally stem, at least make the current levels and specific directions of intra-continental migration controllable overall. Only such an integrated approach to the problem can turn migration into a productive, culturally and humanly enriching experience to the benefit of the entire continent.

Finally, to all brothers and sisters, victims and perpetrators of the unspeakable acts of violence of the last few days in Johannesburg, I would like to dedicate this song, Chileshe, about which Bra Masekela said:
"We first recorded this song in 1968 on the 'Promise of A Future' album. People from Jo’burg always thought of themselves as being much more advanced, civilised and hipper than anybody that did not grow up there, especially people from the outlying provinces like Northern Transvaal, Kwa-Zulu Natal, Mozambique, Zambia, Namibia, Lesotho, Botswana, Malawi, Swaziland. I was also thinking about how the whites used to ill-treat us and call us 'Kaffirs' and all kinds of dirty names. The song is a call to those who are denigrated and vilified by these attitudes to stand up proudly and not allow themselves to be called derogatory names like 'Mighirighamba', 'Makirimane', 'Makwankwies', 'Makhafula', etc. With the influx today of peoples from all over the African diaspora into South Africa, the level of xenophobia has risen to disgusting heights. Most paradoxically, the song is even more popular amongst black South Africans today and is deeply loved by the new immigrants which helped the 'Black To The Future' album to platinum heights."






Free file hosting by Ripway.com




*****

*The title refers to this poem by Gil Scott-Heron
[1] Figures from Wilson F., Labour in the South African Gold Mines 1911-1969, (Cambridge UP, 1972)
Other references: Katzenellenbogen S., South Africa and Southern Mozambique: Labour, Railways and Trade in the Making of a Relationship, (Manchester, Manchester UP, 1982); Milazi D., The Politics and Economics of Lbour Migration in Southern Africa (1984); Crush J., Jeeves A. & Yudelman D., South Africa’s Labor Empire – A History of Black Migrancy to the Gold Mines, (Oxford, Westview Press, 1991)


*****

Article also published at Africanpath

April 14, 2008

OBAMA VS. CLINTON: THE MOTHER OF ALL BATTLES! (11)

'THE ELITIST'!

I started mentally writing this post as I watched Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama expound on their views about faith and religion on CNN’s “Compassion Forum” last night. Apart from the points relating to inter-faith dialogue in the global arena brought in by Obama, it was mainly a domestic affair and, to be honest, faith and religion discussions, particularly in the American context, is not something I’d normally engage in. However, there was an angle to it that surely caught everybody’s interest, including mine, namely the new line of fire launched by Hillary (and McCain, but he was not present at yesterday’s forum) on Obama for saying, a few days ago, that “decades of lost jobs and unfulfilled promises from Washington have left some Pennsylvanians ‘bitter’ and clinging to guns or religion or antipathy to people who aren't like them or anti-immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations."


For these, by his own admission, ‘clumsy’ words, Obama is now being painted by his opponents as “out of touch with ordinary, particularly blue collar, Americans”, “patronising”, “contemptuous”, “condescending”, in short, an “elitist”! He did his best to dismiss the deliberate misconstruction of what he really meant but, of course, because it is all politically motivated, it will be milked till the last drop. Well, let me say this: though it is bound to cost him some votes in the upcoming election in Pennsylvania, I don’t think that this will cost him the possible nomination by the Democratic Party and will eventually fade away much easier than the Reverend Wright debacle (hopefully helped by the upcoming Pope’s visit to the US).

However, there is a dimension to this issue that touches me on a personal level. I explain: in my life experience, particularly in most recent years, I’ve been observing this interesting, but disturbing, phenomenon, whereby – be it in contests for power at any level, or simply in the trivial course of people trying to assert themselves in any sort of social relationships – some will make a point of going out of their way to invert the terms of a particular equation, e.g. the true elitist will do all s/he can to accuse the other of elitism, the true racist will try anything to portray the other as racist, the gender-insensitive will willy-nilly paint the other as a misogynist, the unsure about their African roots and/or identity, or totally lacking any, will relentlessly play the “more African than thou” game against the true African (yes, there is such a thing!)... The examples could go on and on.

So, here we have a Barack Obama, who was the son of an absent father, raised, at times on food stamps, by a single mother and not exactly rich grandparents, who financed his studies with student loans, whose professional career was mostly developed within working class communities, who is a practicing religious man and, not totally irrelevant to this entire discussion, who is an African-American with all the adversities the ‘condition’ entails in the US and virtually anywhere in the world, being pitched to the public exclusively as a ‘Harvard graduate’, therefore an ‘elitist’, by those who were born in privilege and raised by the rules of the true American elite for generations… And, not only that, have been widely known for notorious elitist statements and behaviour.

I mean, how much must someone lack in elitism (… racism? I wouldn’t even go there…) to despise the American Civil Rights Movement to the point of opposing the institution of a holiday in memory of Martin Luther King Jr., as McCain did? Of course, he expressly went to Memphis to apologise for it on the recently marked 40th anniversary of Dr. King’s assassination, but… Or, how closely ‘in touch’ with the feelings of ordinary people can someone be to say on TV that “I’m not seating here like some little woman 'stand by your man' like Tammy Wynette” – when that’s effectively what she was doing – as Hillary did to save her husband from impeachment over a certain sexual scandal in the White House?

Played, as it is in this case, at the highest level of the political arena, this game can be either inconsequential, or utterly destructive, depending on the correlation of forces at presence in one particular moment. And as these stand right now, it will most probably be of relatively minor consequence for Obama’s chances in the current American primaries. He can regret the effect of his words, as he did, but eventually laugh it all off with just something like “shame on you Hillary, you should know better!”, as he also did.

However, when the same game is played, as it often is in my experience, against more vulnerable people, who – exclusively by virtue of their strenuous effort at making the most of the opportunities they fought for and their determination to succeed against all odds, when they could have chosen much easier paths in life – come to be perceived as part of an elite born with a silver spoon in their mouth and, as a result of that, ostracised and antagonised by all sorts of opportunist, jealous, envious, manipulative and populist ‘warriors’ and 'young turks' so prevalent in certain ‘influential’ African or African-minded quarters, in the blogosphere and elsewhere, it can only be destructive. And sad, very sad indeed. And, as always, it’s good old Mamma Africa that ends up paying the price of all such utter nonsense…

March 03, 2008

REVISITING 'A DAY IN THE LIFE OF AFRIKA'

An elegant islander visits his son's general store on São Tomé, the former Portuguese island colony in the Gulf of Guinea.
© 2002 Benoit Gysembergh from a Day in the Life of Africa

February 27, 2008

SLAVERY, BRAZIL, RACISM & HISTORY

Joao Jose Reis, prominent Brazilian historian of slavery and African culture in Brazil, as well as of the Atlantic, was awarded the American Historical Association's Honorary Foreign Membership at the annual meeting in January this year. An interesting interview with him, "In Conversation with . . . Joao Jose Reis," by Sueann Caulfield, appears in last month's Perspectives on History (January 2008: 18-20). Here are a few extracts from it:

SC: African history has recently become a required subject in Brazilian secondary and postsecondary curricula. How have historians responded to this requirement? Has it affected public policies such as the recent implementation in public universities of affirmative action favoring low-income and African-descended students?

JJR: This is an example of a political debate in which Brazilian scholars are involved. There are those like me who believe in racial/social affirmative action while others believe that adjusting public policy to categories of ethnic identity will increase racial tensions and conflicts in Brazil, and the country will one day be as racially divided as the United States. Many believe that the Brazilian mestiço national identity, based on racial mixing, would be threatened by a racialized public policy. Some argue that the study of Africa in schools and universities is prejudicial to social peace because it is an incentive for black identity. I think differently. Racism in Brazil is an incontrovertible truth that segregates blacks and whites through the system of education and economics, and this will certainly lead to an increase in racial tensions because blacks are more and more conscious of racial discrimination. For me, affirmative action is a prescription for social peace and not for conflict. The teaching of African history is part of a self-exploration process not only pertinent to Brazilian blacks, but to all Brazilians. Aren't we a culturally and racially mixed country? Well, then the history of Africa should be as important as European history in order to better understand Africa's contribution to Brazil's material and cultural formation. In fact, Brazil has the largest black population outside the African continent—this alone justifies a strong education in African history.


SC: How would you evaluate the impact on historical scholarship, in and outside of Brazil, of the "Atlantic Studies" subfield? In what ways has Brazilian scholarship influenced conceptions of the "Atlantic" as a region (or what would the influence be if more Brazilian scholarship were translated into English or other languages and if it were read more widely outside of Brazil)? Does your own scholarship contribute to, "fit" or benefit from the broad scholarly interest in the Atlantic?

JJR: Brazilians have been studying "Atlantic history" for a long time. The history of the "old colonial system" as discussed by Brazilian historians Caio Prado (1907–1990) and Fernando Novais (1933–) is Atlantic history. The difference today is the idea of the black Atlantic, but we also have pioneers in that field. In the late 19th century, the medical doctor and ethnologist Nina Rodrigues argued in favor of the importance of Brazil's African origins and was the first scholar to discuss slave revolts in Bahia as a continuation, albeit a "pale" one, of jihad struggles among Haussa Africans in the beginning of the 19th century. In the 1960s, Pierre Verger, a Frenchman who settled in Bahia, radicalized Nina's project by studying commercial and cultural relations between Bahia and the Gulf of Benin. Both scholars, especially Verger, were literally doing black Atlantic history. Of course, today we have a more sophisticated argument introduced by Paul Gilroy's book, which unfortunately only focuses on the black North Atlantic. In Brazil, historian Luis Felipe de Alencastro is the strongest exponent of studying Brazil's historical formation in the South Atlantic, especially the relationship with Angola, as perhaps more than 80 percent of enslaved Africans in Brazil came from that region. His book, Trato dos viventes, is being translated into English, I believe, and will have an impact on the general discussion of Atlantic history. However, following in the footsteps of Charles Boxer and Amaral Lapa, a lot of work is now being done in Brazil on the commercial, political, and cultural networks of the broader Portuguese empire, which includes the Indian Ocean in its deep connections with the Atlantic world in general and the black Atlantic in particular. Until the middle of the 19th century there were Asians on Brazilian slave ships, which is an indicator of the inter-oceanic connections of which Brazil was a part.

SC: Prior to the development of "Atlantic Studies," similar concerns to understand trans-regional historical experiences took shape under the rubric of the African diaspora. How did this scholarly trend affect scholarship and teaching of history in Brazil?

JJR: The idea of an African diaspora in Brazil is primarily associated with black militant discourse in Brazil and has yet little conceptual resonance in our historiography. In Brazilian historiography, the "black diaspora" is used more as a catchword than an elaborated concept. This is interesting given the enormous preoccupation with "African origins" in the fields of history and anthropology in Brazil.

[Keep reading here]


P.S.: Aos leitores em Portugues, gostaria de sugerir que lessem os comentarios a este post, onde algumas das questoes aqui abordadas sao discutidas em alguma profundidade.


February 16, 2008

BARACK OBAMA'S KENYA (IV)*

What is a family? Is it just a genetic chain, parents and offspring, people like me? Or is it a social construct, an economic unit, optimal for child rearing and divisions of labor? Or is it something else entirely: a store of shared memories, say? An ambit of love? A reach across the void? I could list various possibilities. But I’d never arrived at a definite answer, aware early on that, given my circumstances, such an effort was bound to fail.

Instead, I drew a series of circles around myself, with borders that shifted as time passed and faces changed but that nevertheless offered the illusion of control. An inner circle, where love was constant and claims unquestioned. Then a second circle, a realm of negotiated love, commitments freely chosen. And then a circle for colleagues, acquaintances; the cheerful gray-haired lady who rang up my groceries back in Chicago. Until the circle finally widened to embrace a nation or a race, or a particular moral course, and the commitments I’d made to myself.

In Africa, this astronomy of mine almost immediately collapsed. For family seemed to be everywhere: in stores, at the post office, on streets and in the parks, all of them fussing and fretting over Obama’s long-lost son. (…) At first I reacted to all this attention like a child to its mother’s bosom, full of simple, unquestioning gratitude. It conformed to my idea of Africa and Africans, an obvious contrast to the growing isolation of American life, a contrast I understood, not in racial, but in cultural terms. A measure of what we sacrificed for technology and mobility, but that here – as in the kampongs outside Djakarta or in the country villages of Ireland or Greece – remained essentially intact: the insistent pleasure of other people’s company, the joy of human warmth.

As the days wore on, though, my joy became tempered with tension and doubt. Some of it had to do with what Auma had talked about that night in the car – an acute awareness of my relative good fortune, and the troublesome questions such good fortune implied. Not that our relatives were suffering, exactly. Both Jane and Zeituni had steady jobs; Kezia made do selling cloth in the markets. If cash got too short, the children could be sent upcountry for a time; that’s where another brother, Abo, was staying, I was told, with an uncle in Kendu Bay, where there were always chores to perform, food on the table and a roof over one’s head.

Still, the situation in Nairobi was tough and getting tougher. Clothes were mostly secondhand, a doctor’s visit reserved for the direst emergency. Almost all the family’s younger members were unemployed, including the two or three who had managed, against stiff competition, to graduate from one of Kenya’s universities. If Jane or Zeituni ever fell ill, if their companies ever closed or laid off, there was no government safety net. There was only family, next of kin; people burdened by similar hardship.

Now I was family, I reminded myself; now I had responsibilities. But what did that mean exactly? Back in the States, I’d been able to translate such feelings into politics, organizing, a certain self-denial. In Kenya, these strategies seemed hopelessly abstract, even self-indulgent. A commitment to black empowerment couldn’t help find Bernard a job. A faith in participatory democracy couldn’t buy Jane a new set of sheets. For the first time in my life, I found myself thinking deeply about money: my own lack of it, the pursuit of it, the crude but undeniable peace it could buy. A part of me wished I could live up to the image that my new relatives imagined for me: a corporate lawyer, an American businessman, my hand poised on the spigot, ready to rain down like manna the largesse of the Western world.

But of course I wasn’t either of those things. Even in the States, wealth involved trade-offs for those who weren’t born to it, the same sorts of trade-offs that I could see Auma now making as she tried, in her own way, to fulfill the family’s expectations. She was working two jobs that summer, teaching German classes to Kenyan businessmen along with her job at the university. With the money she saved, she wanted not only to fix up Granny’s house in Alego but also to buy a bit of land around Nairobi, something that would appreciate in value, a base from which to build.

She had plans, schedules, budgets, and deadlines – all the things she’d learned were required to negotiate a modern world. The problem was that her schedules also meant begging off from family affairs; her budgets meant saying no to the constant requests for money that came her way. And when this happened – when she insisted on going home before Jane served dinner because things had started two hours late, or when she refused to let eight people pile into her VW because it was designed for four and they would tear up the seats – the looks of unspoken hurt, barely distinguishable from resentment, would flash across the room. Her restlessness, her independence, her constant willingness to project into the future – all of this struck the family as unnatural somehow. Unnatural… and un-African.
(...)

Toward the end of my second week in Kenya, Auma and I went on a safari. Auma wasn’t thrilled with the idea. When I first showed her the brochure, she grimaced and shook her head. Like most Kenyans, she could draw a straight line between the game parks and colonialism. “How many Kenyans do you think can afford to go on a safari?” she asked me. “Why should all that land be set aside for tourists when it could be used for farming? These wazungu care more about one dead elephant than they do for a hundred black children.”

For several days we parried. I told her she was letting other people’s attitudes prevent her from seeing her own country. She said she didn’t want to waste the money. Eventually she relented, not because of my persuasive powers but because she took pity on me. “If some animal ate you out there,” she said, “I’d never forgive myself.” And so, at seven o’clock on a Tuesday morning, we watched a sturdily built Kikuyu driver named Francis load our bags onto the roof of a white minivan. With us were a spindly cooked named Rafael, a dark-haired Italian named Mauro, and a British couple in their early forties, the Wilkersons.

We drove out of Nairobi at a modest pace, passing soon into countryside, green hills and red dirt paths and small shambas surrounded by plots of wilting, widely spaced corn. Nobody spoke, a discomfiting silence that reminded me of a similar moments back in the States, the pause that would sometimes accompany my personal integration of a bar or hotel. It made me think about Auma and Mark, my grandparents back in Hawaii, my mother still in Indonesia, and the things Zeituni had told me.

If everyone is family, then no one is family.

Was Zeituni right? I’d come to Kenya thinking that I could somehow force my many worlds into a single, harmonious whole. Instead, the divisions seemed only to have become more multiplied, popping up in the midst of even the simplest chores. I thought back to the previous morning, when Auma and I had gone to book our tickets. The travel agency was owned by Asians; most small businesses in Nairobi were owned by Asians. Right away, Auma had tensed up. “You see how arrogant they are?” she had whispered as we watched a young Indian woman order her black clerks to and fro. “They call themselves Kenyans, but they want nothing to do with us. As soon as they make their money, they send it off to London or Bombay.”

Her attitude had touched a nerve. “How can you blame Asians for sending their money out of the county,” I had asked her, “after what happened in Uganda?” I had gone on to tell her about the close Indian and Pakistani friends I had back in the States, friends who had supported black causes, friends who had lent me money when I was tight and taken me into their homes when I’d had no place to stay. Auma had been unmoved. “Ah, Barack,” she had said. “Sometimes you’re so naïve.”

I looked at Auma now, her face turned toward the window. What had I expected my little lecture to accomplish? My simple formulas for Third World solidarity had little application in Kenya. Here, persons of India extraction were like the Chinese in Indonesia, the Koreans in the South Side of Chicago, outsiders who knew how to trade and kept to themselves, working the margins of a racial caste system, more visible and so more vulnerable to resentment. It was nobody’s fault necessarily. It was just a matter of history, an unfortunate fact of life.

Anyway, the divisions in Kenya didn’t stop there; there were always finer lines to draw. Between the country’s forty black tribes, for example. They, too, were a fact of life. You didn’t notice the tribalism so much among Auma’s friends, younger university-educated Kenyans who’d been schooled in the idea of nation and race; tribe was an issue with them only when they were considering a mate, or when they got older and saw it help or hinder careers. But they were the exceptions. Most Kenyans still worked with older maps of identity, more ancient loyalties. Even Jane or Zeituni could say things that surprised me. “The Luo are intelligent but lazy,” they would say. Or “The Kikuyu are money-grubbing but industrious.” Or “The Kalenjins – well, you can see what’s happened to the country since they took over.”

Hearing my aunts traffic in such stereotypes, I would try to explain to them the error of their ways. “It’s thinking like that that holds us back,” I would say. “We’re all part of one tribe. The black tribe. The human tribe. Look what tribalism has done to places like Nigeria or Liberia.” And Jane would say, “Ah, those West Africans are all crazy anyway. You know they used to be cannibals, don’t you?” And Zeituni would say, “You sound just like your father, Barry. He also had such ideas about people.” Meaning he, too, was naïve; he, too, liked to argue with history. Look what happened to him….

We followed the road into cooler hills, where women walked barefoot carrying firewood and water and small boys switched at donkeys from their rickety carts. Gradually the shambas became less frequent, replaced by tangled bush and forest, until the trees on our left dropped away without warning and all we could see was the wide-open sky. “The Great Rift Valley,” Francis announced. We piled out of the van and stood at the edge of the escarpment looking out toward the western horizon. Hundreds of feet below, stone and savannah grass stretched out in a flat and endless plain, before it met the sky and carried the eye back through a series of high white clouds. To the right, a solitary mountain rose like an island in a silent sea; beyond that, a row of worn and shadowed ridges. Only two signs of man’s presence were visible – a slender road leading west, and a satellite station, its massive white dish cupped upward toward the sky.

A few miles north, we turned off the main highway onto a road of pulverized tarmac. It was slow going: at certain points the potholes yawned across the road’s entire width, and every so often trucks would approach from the opposite direction, forcing Francis to drive onto embankments. Eventually, we arrived at the road we’d seen from above and began to make our way across the valley floor. The landscape was dry, mostly bush grass and scruffy thorn trees, gravel and patches of hard dark stone. We began to pass small herds of gazelle; a solitary wildebeest feeding at the base of a tree; zebra and a giraffe, barely visible in the distance. For almost an hour we saw no other person, until a solitary Masai herdsman appeared in the distance, his figure as lean and straight as the staff that he carried, leading a herd of long-horned cattle across an empty flat.

I hadn’t met many Masai in Nairobi, although I’d read quite a bit about them. I knew that their pastoral ways and fierceness in war had earned them a grudging respect from the British, so that even as treaties had been broken and the Masai had been restricted to reservations, the tribe had become mythologized in its defeat, like the Cherokee or Apache, the noble savage of picture postcards and coffee table books. I also knew that this Western infatuation with the Masai infuriated other Kenyans, who thought their ways something of an embarrassment, and who hankered after Masai lad. The government had tried to impose compulsory education on Masai children, and a system of land title among the adults. The black man’s burden, officials explained: to civilize our less fortunate brethren.

Francis was waiting for us when we returned to the van. We drove through the gate, following the road up a small, barren rise. And there, on the other side of the rise, I saw as beautiful a land as I’d ever seen. It swept out forever, flat plains undulating into gentle hills, dun-colored and as supple as a lion’s back, creased by long gallery forests and dotted with thorn trees. To our left, a huge herd of zebra, ridiculously symmetrical in their stripes, harvested the wheat-colored grass; to our right, a troop of gazelle leaped into bush. And in the center, thousands of wildebeest, with mournful heads and humped shoulders that seemed too much for their slender legs to carry. Francis began to inch the van through the herd, and the animals parted before us, then merged in our wake like a school of fish, their hoofs beating against the earth like a wave against the shore.

We set up camp above the banks of a winding brown stream, beneath a big fig tree filled with noisy blue starlings. It was getting late, but after setting up our tents and gathering firewood, we had time for a short drive to a nearby watering hole where topi and gazelle had gathered to drink. A fire was going when we got back, and as we sat down to feed on Rafael’s stew, Francis began telling us a little bit about himself. He had a wife and six children, he said, living on his homestead in Kikuyuland. They tended an acre of coffee and corn; on his days off, he did the heavier work of hoeing and planting. He said he enjoyed his work with the travel agency but disliked being away from his family. “If I could, I might prefer farming full-time,” he said, “but the KCU makes it impossible.”
“What’s the KCU?” I asked.

“The Kenyan Coffee Union. They are thieves. They regulate what we can plant and when we can plant it. I can only sell my coffee to them, and they sell it overseas. They say to us that prices are dropping, but I know they still get one hundred times what they pay to me. “The rest goes where?” Francis shook his head with disgust. “It’s a terrible thing when the government steals from its own people.” ”You speak very freely,” Auma said. Francis shrugged. “If more people spoke up, perhaps things might change. Look at the road that we traveled this morning coming into the valley. You know, that road was supposed to have been repaired only last year. But they used only loose gravel, so it washed out in the first rains. The money that was saved probably went into building some big man’s house.”

Francis looked into the fire, combing his mustache with his fingers. “I suppose it is not only the government’s fault,” he said after awhile. “Even when things are done properly, we Kenyans don’t like to pay taxes. We don’t trust the idea of giving our money to someone. The poor man, he has good reason for this suspicion. But the big men who own the trucks that use the roads, they also refuse to pay their share. They would rather have their equipment break down all the time than give up some of their profits. This is how we like to think, you see. Somebody else’s problem.” I tossed a stick into the fire. “Attitudes aren’t so different in America,” I told Francis. “You are probably right,” he said. “But you see, a rich country like America can perhaps afford to be stupid.”

At night, after dinner, we spoke further with our Masai guardsmen. Wilson told us that both he and his friend had recently been moran, members of the bachelor class of young warriors who were at the center of the Masai legend. They had each killed a lion to prove their manhood, had participated in numerous cattle raids. But now there were no wars, and even cattle raids had become complicated – only last year, another friend had been shot by a Kikuyu rancher. Wilson had finally decided that being a moran was a waste of time.

He had gone to Nairobi in search of work, but he had little schooling and had ended up as a security guard at a bank. The boredom drove him crazy, and eventually he had returned to the valley to marry and tend to his cattle. Recently one of the cattle had been killed by a lion, and although it was illegal now, he and four others had hunted the lion into the preserve. “How do you kill a lion?” I asked. “Five men surround it and throw their spears,” Wilson said. “The lion will choose one man to pounce. That man, he curls under his shield while the other four finish the job.” “It sounds dangerous,” I said stupidly. Wilson shrugged. “Usually there are only scratches. But sometimes only four will come back.”

The man didn’t sound like he was boasting – more like a mechanic trying to explain a difficult repair. Perhaps it was that nonchalance that caused Auma to ask him where the Masai thought a man went after he died. At first, Wilson didn’t seem to understand the question, but eventually he smiled and began shaking his head. “This is not a Masai belief,” he said, almost laughing, “this life after you die. After you die, you are nothing. You return to the soil. That is all.” “What do you say, Francis?” Mauro asked. For some time Francis had been reading a small, red-bound Bible. He looked up now and smiled. “These Masai are brave men,” he said. “Were you raised a Christian?” Auma asked Francis. Francis nodded. “My parents converted before I was born.”

Mauro spoke, staring into the fire. “Me, I leave the Church. Too many rules. Don’t you think, Francis, that sometimes Christianity not so good? For Africa, the missionary changes everything, yes? He brings… how do you say?” “Colonialism,” I offered. “Yes – colonialism. White religion, no?” Francis placed the Bible in his lap. “Such things troubled me when I was young. The missionaries were men, and they erred as men. Now that I’m older, I understand that I also can fail. That is not God’s failure. I also remember that some missionaries fed people during drought. Some taught children to read. In this, I believe they were doing God’s work. All we can do is aspire to live like God, though we will always fall short.”

Mauro went to his tent and Francis returned to his Bible. Beside him, Auma began to read a story with Elizabeth. Dr. Wilkerson sat with his knees together, mending his pants while his wife stared at the fir beside him. I looked at the Masai, their faces silent and watchful, and wondered what they made of the rest of us. They might be amused, I decided. I knew that their courage, their hardness, made me question my own noisy spirit. And yet, as I looked around the fire, I thought I saw a courage no less admirable in Francis, and in Auma, and in the Wilkersons as well. Maybe it was that courage, I thought, that Africa most desperately needed. Honest, decent men and women with attainable ambitions, and the determination to see those ambitions through.

The fire began to die, and one by one the others made their way to bed, until only Francis and I and the Masai remained. As I stood up, Francis began to sing a deep-voiced hymn in Kikuyu, with a melody that I vaguely recognized. I listened a while, lost in my own thoughts. Walking back to my tent, I felt I understood Francis’s plaintive song, imagining it transmitting upward, through the clear black night, directly to God.

{Read more here}


*Extracts from "Dreams from My Father - A Story of Race and Inheritance", Copyright © 1995, 2004 by Barack Obama.

February 06, 2008

MY REPLY TO BARACK OBAMA*


Dear Senator Obama,

It was such an honour for me to receive your message yesterday!
Thank you so much for that kind gesture. Of course, I have an idea of how campaign machineries are supposed to work and that this sort of thing is not necessarily to be taken as a personal message. Nevertheless, it was meaningful to me.

Please be assured that I have been doing all I can to shore up support for your campaign and will continue to do so beyond today’s election, from which I strongly believe you will emerge as THE WINNER you naturally are!


Surely, my reach is very limited (not least because I am not American and live in London) but I hope that, through the series I’ve been posting on my blog and the phone calls and email messages I’ve been making to family, friends and acquaintances I have in the US, I can contribute somehow to your VICTORY!

I know that you certainly don’t have the time to read this, but I would like to take this opportunity to let you know how much I’ve been touched by your book “Dreams From My Father”. It was brought to me this Christmas as a gift by my younger sister who lives in Washington DC. I’ve been reading it by installments, as time permits and, as I read, posting small extracts from the chapters on Kenya in my blog (just hope you wont terribly mind this). I’ve been trying to highlight the passages that best help to understand the current situation in Kenya, although I often feel like posting everything because it’s so engaging! Of course, the need to not seriously infringe your copyrights helps me to resist that temptation.

Let me say that I had approached Kenya before through the writings of American scholars such as Robert Bates and Caroline Elkins (incidentally, both from your alma mater Harvard), but none of them gave me the personal insight on the soul of land and people you manage to express with such fine detail. I am African, and I am a woman, but I don’t remember ever reading before anything written by a male or female, of any race or cultural heritage, that reflects so well the realities of life in Africa (I lived most of my life in Angola, my country of origin, and visited 14 other African countries so far) and the particular challenges it poses to African women – no doubt your dear sister Auma played a special role in it, but only a human being as deeply sensitive as yourself could write about those experiences so touchingly. And not only that: the profound way in which you reflect about the human condition in America and anywhere else in the world!

A few weeks ago, an African-American blogger living in Germany referred to me as “a brilliant mind” in relation to an article I wrote for the “Atlantic Community” – a German-American think tank online. I was flattered, but didn’t take him too seriously, mainly because, although a highly reputed professional in his field (engineering), he is not really an ‘expert’ on the issues I wrote about (economic and trade-related issues). However, based on my gender, cultural and human experiences, I can say to you without hesitation: Mr. Obama you are a BRILLIANT MIND!

I’ll leave you now on your road to a victory that is certain anyway because, as you put it so well in your message, this is about more than just winning an election!

Please accept my BEST WISHES to your political and personal life, which I would like to extend to your beautiful and intelligent wife Michelle and your wonderful daughters Malia and Sasha.

A LUTA CONTINUA!
A VICTORIA E’ CERTA!!!

*(Please refer to previous post)