Soube hj de manhã. Uma gd perda...aprendi imenso com ele nestes dois últimos anos em que nos fomos encontrando. Não sei se chegaste alguma vez a ler o que ele escrevia.
Ainda na semana passada lhe enviei um mail a brincar com ele porque tinha visto o nome dele na lista de agradecimentos do livro do Richard Dowden (Africa: Altered States, Ordinary Miracles)....
Enfim....um triste acontecimento no dia da África...
Espero que estejas ainda Leoa and kicking assholes hard.
Soube hj de manhã. Uma gd perda...aprendi imenso com ele nestes dois últimos anos em que nos fomos encontrando. Não sei se chegaste alguma vez a ler o que ele escrevia.
Ainda na semana passada lhe enviei um mail a brincar com ele porque tinha visto o nome dele na lista de agradecimentos do livro do Richard Dowden (Africa: Altered States, Ordinary Miracles)....
Enfim....um triste acontecimento no dia da África...
Espero que estejas ainda Leoa and kicking assholes hard.
Wyza is an up and coming Bakongo musician.
Having been humbled, moved, amazed, mesmerised and overwhelmed by his voice and music since recently discovering him, all I can bring myself to sensibly say is (paraphrasing the lady here):
Forget so and so (no offence to anyone intended, but...), Wyza is the Angolan musician with his finger on the pulse of ('global') music!
Wyza is an up and coming Bakongo musician.
Having been humbled, moved, amazed, mesmerised and overwhelmed by his voice and music since recently discovering him, all I can bring myself to sensibly say is (paraphrasing the lady here):
Forget so and so (no offence to anyone intended, but...), Wyza is the Angolan musician with his finger on the pulse of ('global') music!
Si j'avais beaucoup d'argent... canta o Wyza. E esse parece ser tambem o mantra de todos quantos aspiram a um lugar, de negocio ou de habitacao, na 'up and coming' Luanda Sul, em particular na Talatona. Nada parece ser mais 'in' em Luanda, hoje em dia, do que morar na Talatona... isto e', nos seus condominios que custam (nao valem necessariamente) milhoes de dolares, sendo que alguns se assemelham a verdadeiros campos de concentracao. Eu, por mim, mesmo se tivesse muito dinheiro, so' por absoluta falta de melhor opcao escolheria morar num condominio... na Talatona, ou em qualquer outro local; em Luanda, ou em qualquer outra cidade. Viver enclausurada por muros altos ou arame farpado e bofocada pelas casas e os olhares dos vizinhos nao e' exactamente a minha ideia de bem-estar. Mas... e' o que esta' a dar agora em Luanda e seus inflacionados arredores.
Nzemba - Wyza
Mas o Wyza, primeiro album dele (Africa Yaya) que descobri la' na Talatona - no Belas Shopping, primeiro e unico shopping centre da capital e do pais, tambem ele cercado de gradeamentos e arame farpado... - o Wyza, voz dele que tinha antes apenas ouvido por acidente a duetisar aqui com o Paulo Flores, mas musica dele mesmo, de verdade, que so' comecei a ouvir ha' cerca de uma semana, quando pude finalmente por o CD dele que comprei la' na Talatona a tocar (... Oh Wyza! Quem, ou o que, te tem cercado de arame farpado este tempo todo? Desde 2004?! ...) e que me tem tido completamente fitissada desde entao... o Wyza tambem diz... pera ai que eu ja' vou...
Si j'avais beaucoup d'argent... canta o Wyza. E esse parece ser tambem o mantra de todos quantos aspiram a um lugar, de negocio ou de habitacao, na 'up and coming' Luanda Sul, em particular na Talatona. Nada parece ser mais 'in' em Luanda, hoje em dia, do que morar na Talatona... isto e', nos seus condominios que custam (nao valem necessariamente) milhoes de dolares, sendo que alguns se assemelham a verdadeiros campos de concentracao. Eu, por mim, mesmo se tivesse muito dinheiro, so' por absoluta falta de melhor opcao escolheria morar num condominio... na Talatona, ou em qualquer outro local; em Luanda, ou em qualquer outra cidade. Viver enclausurada por muros altos ou arame farpado e bofocada pelas casas e os olhares dos vizinhos nao e' exactamente a minha ideia de bem-estar. Mas... e' o que esta' a dar agora em Luanda e seus inflacionados arredores.
Nzemba - Wyza
Mas o Wyza, primeiro album dele (Africa Yaya) que descobri la' na Talatona - no Belas Shopping, primeiro e unico shopping centre da capital e do pais, tambem ele cercado de gradeamentos e arame farpado... - o Wyza, voz dele que tinha antes apenas ouvido por acidente a duetisar aqui com o Paulo Flores, mas musica dele mesmo, de verdade, que so' comecei a ouvir ha' cerca de uma semana, quando pude finalmente por o CD dele que comprei la' na Talatona a tocar (... Oh Wyza! Quem, ou o que, te tem cercado de arame farpado este tempo todo? Desde 2004?! ...) e que me tem tido completamente fitissada desde entao... o Wyza tambem diz... pera ai que eu ja' vou...
O SA dedica cerca de 10 paginas da sua edicao deste fim de semana ao recentemente falecido Alberto Teta Lando, nas quais se pode ler a narrativa que se segue – a parte da qual aludi num comentario que pode ser encontrado neste post.
Filho de pai negro e mãe mestiça (neta do Rei do Congo e filha de pai português), Alberto Teta Lando nasceu acidentalmente em Mbanza Congo, em 2 de Junho de 1948, no seio de uma família rica para os padrões da altura, sendo o patriarca detentor de imóveis e várias fazendas de café na região do Uíje, de onde é originária. «Quando os colonos chegaram ao Uíje, o meu pai já era dono de grandes fazendas e vários prédios, porque ele era um homem astuto, com muito jeito para o negócio. Tiraram-lhe metade, mas o que restou ainda deu para continuar rico», recordara, com bastante nostalgia. Porém, a sua infância não foi sempre um mar de rosas. Quando tinha doze anos, isto é, em 1961, o pai foi decapitado por colonos portugueses enfurecidos e vingativos, sob a acusação de ser um dos principais cabecilhas dos «terroristas», na sequência dos acontecimentos do «15 de Março», uma sangrenta revolta das populações do norte de Angola, que marcaria também a fase inicial da luta armada pela independência nacional. Pelo facto das autoridades coloniais lhe terem confiscado os bens patrimoniais num acto de represália, os Teta começaram a passar por muitas agruras, acabando por sobreviver graças à caridade de parentes e amigos em Luanda, onde a família se fixara. As dificuldades eram muitas, incluindo algumas que não passavam de represálias que as autoridades coloniais faziam impender sobre ela, em função do «estatuto» do falecido patriarca. Enquanto filho de um «grande terrorista», Teta Lando viu-se e desejou-se para arranjar emprego. Estranhamente, nunca passava nos concursos públicos, o que obrigou a mãe a ir falar com o São José Lopes, o então chefe da antiga polícia política portuguesa em Angola, para que este estado de coisas mudasse. E isso, felizmente, aconteceu. O facto de ter visto o pai a ser morto daquela forma tenebrosa e tudo o que se seguiu marcara a vida e a personalidade do pequeno Alberto Teta Lando, xará do velho Teta, que tinha sido progenitor de uma enorme prole, com diversas esposas e concubinas, fazendo jus aos costumes polígamos africanos. Lando contara que, em face dos horrores que assistira, chegara a nutrir um certo ódio rácico contra os colonos, que se foi esbatendo à medida que se tornava mais crescido e ganhava outra consciência. «Com as viagens e tudo o mais, comecei a compreender que não era a raça que fazia um homem mau, mas sim a sua natureza, pelo que, pouco a pouco, o ódio aos brancos foi-se diluindo. Mas, sempre ficou em mim uma certa revolta pela grande injustiça de que o meu pai tinha sido vítima», lembrara ele.
O SA dedica cerca de 10 paginas da sua edicao deste fim de semana ao recentemente falecido Alberto Teta Lando, nas quais se pode ler a narrativa que se segue – a parte da qual aludi num comentario que pode ser encontrado neste post.
Filho de pai negro e mãe mestiça (neta do Rei do Congo e filha de pai português), Alberto Teta Lando nasceu acidentalmente em Mbanza Congo, em 2 de Junho de 1948, no seio de uma família rica para os padrões da altura, sendo o patriarca detentor de imóveis e várias fazendas de café na região do Uíje, de onde é originária. «Quando os colonos chegaram ao Uíje, o meu pai já era dono de grandes fazendas e vários prédios, porque ele era um homem astuto, com muito jeito para o negócio. Tiraram-lhe metade, mas o que restou ainda deu para continuar rico», recordara, com bastante nostalgia. Porém, a sua infância não foi sempre um mar de rosas. Quando tinha doze anos, isto é, em 1961, o pai foi decapitado por colonos portugueses enfurecidos e vingativos, sob a acusação de ser um dos principais cabecilhas dos «terroristas», na sequência dos acontecimentos do «15 de Março», uma sangrenta revolta das populações do norte de Angola, que marcaria também a fase inicial da luta armada pela independência nacional. Pelo facto das autoridades coloniais lhe terem confiscado os bens patrimoniais num acto de represália, os Teta começaram a passar por muitas agruras, acabando por sobreviver graças à caridade de parentes e amigos em Luanda, onde a família se fixara. As dificuldades eram muitas, incluindo algumas que não passavam de represálias que as autoridades coloniais faziam impender sobre ela, em função do «estatuto» do falecido patriarca. Enquanto filho de um «grande terrorista», Teta Lando viu-se e desejou-se para arranjar emprego. Estranhamente, nunca passava nos concursos públicos, o que obrigou a mãe a ir falar com o São José Lopes, o então chefe da antiga polícia política portuguesa em Angola, para que este estado de coisas mudasse. E isso, felizmente, aconteceu. O facto de ter visto o pai a ser morto daquela forma tenebrosa e tudo o que se seguiu marcara a vida e a personalidade do pequeno Alberto Teta Lando, xará do velho Teta, que tinha sido progenitor de uma enorme prole, com diversas esposas e concubinas, fazendo jus aos costumes polígamos africanos. Lando contara que, em face dos horrores que assistira, chegara a nutrir um certo ódio rácico contra os colonos, que se foi esbatendo à medida que se tornava mais crescido e ganhava outra consciência. «Com as viagens e tudo o mais, comecei a compreender que não era a raça que fazia um homem mau, mas sim a sua natureza, pelo que, pouco a pouco, o ódio aos brancos foi-se diluindo. Mas, sempre ficou em mim uma certa revolta pela grande injustiça de que o meu pai tinha sido vítima», lembrara ele.
Aconteceu o que, com consternacao, ha’ dias aqui se antecipava.
Mumpiozzo Ame
A esperanca de que, tambem desta vez, a noticia viesse a revelar-se infundada fez protelar esta singela homenagem por tempo suficiente para que a familia enlutada recuperasse minimamente da fatalidade com que ha’ algum tempo se vinha confrontando e que, justificadamente, preferiria ver desmentida ou, pelo menos, adiada.
Reunir (Funge de Domingo)
A tristeza e’ tao grande quanto a proximidade familiar e afectiva que o fazia tratar-me por sobrinha.
Angolano Segue em Frente
A perda prematura para a musica e a cultura Angolana e’ irreparavel.
Aconteceu o que, com consternacao, ha’ dias aqui se antecipava.
Mumpiozzo Ame
A esperanca de que, tambem desta vez, a noticia viesse a revelar-se infundada fez protelar esta singela homenagem por tempo suficiente para que a familia enlutada recuperasse minimamente da fatalidade com que ha’ algum tempo se vinha confrontando e que, justificadamente, preferiria ver desmentida ou, pelo menos, adiada.
Reunir (Funge de Domingo)
A tristeza e’ tao grande quanto a proximidade familiar e afectiva que o fazia tratar-me por sobrinha.
Angolano Segue em Frente
A perda prematura para a musica e a cultura Angolana e’ irreparavel.
“Where I come from we say that rhythm is the soul of life because the whole universe revolves around rhythm, and when we get out of rhythm, that is when we get into trouble…” - Babatunde Olatunji
For Capoeira Angola, unlike many games or martial arts, music is essential to play; without it the game is unimaginable. In this the art resembles many cultural manifestations of African origin, dependent on the intimate relation between music, movement, play, and spirituality. The music of Capoeira Angola is so important in part because it helps to integrate the body and mind of the capoeirista, and also because it contributes to the playful character of the game. Not only the speed, quality and intensity of the music determine the timing and movement of the players; the aesthetic demand that a player move in relation to the rhythm also prevents the art from becoming simplistic or purely aggressive. A good player must learn to balance the aesthetic and athletic, the artistic and combative aspects of the art simultaneously. Powered by the fusion of rhythms summoned by the musicians, moving to what is simultaneously a rhythm of dance and war, the capoeirista can often find unrecognized resources in her or himself or have experiences which can only be described as spiritual.
To say that the art is profound does not imply that it is not playful. On the contrary, it is exactly the blend of intimacy and respect, humour and gravity, which can make the roda (the ring in which Capoeira Angola is played) a place where the everyday and the spiritual can come together. For this reason, the roda is entered with joy and laughter, but also with profound reverence. It is music that, in so many cultures of Africa and the African diaspora, brings together the natural and supernatural, providing a common language through which gods and humans can communicate. The instruments and music of the roda are a link to religious traditions, not just musical accompaniment for the game.
Music also assures a relationship between the players and the audience. Through the music, the leader of the orchestra can help preserve the correct relationship between the players, prevent the contest from spinning out of control, and simultaneously add energy to the interplay. Sometimes this is done overtly in the lyrics of the songs – the singers may cajole, criticize, mock, praise, or challenge the players. Always, however, it is the unbreakable link between the music and the movement of the players – rhythm – that creates and maintains the roda.
THE ORCHESTRA
The instruments now used in Capoeira Angola, although mainly of African origin, were not wedded intimately to capoeira before the art’s arrival in Brazil. The traditional orchestra of a roda of Capoeira Angola consists of three berimbaus of different pitches, two pandeiros (tambourines), one agogô (double bell), a reco-reco (a notched bamboo scraper), and an atabaque (tall drum). The orchestra forms one side of the roda of Capoeira Angola, all the musicians arranged in a line.
The most important instrument in the orchestra, the musical heart of Capoeira Angola, is the berimbau, a musical bow with a single string. The instrument is constructed of a verga, a wooden bow preferably of beriba wood; arame, a steel string pulled from the sidewall of a car tire and strung on the verga; and a cabaça or hollowed gourd tied on the bow as a resonance chamber. The entire instrument is hung from the little finger, and a dobrão, a large copper coin, is held in the same hand to change the pitch of the string. To produce sound the string is struck with a thin piece of wood, held in the other hand, called a baqueta. A small wicker rattle, the caxixi, held in the same hand as the baqueta, makes the instrument complete, providing accompaniment to the alternating tones struck on the bow.
The three berimbaus in the orchestra are tuned to different pitches. The berimbau gunga (often referred to simply as the gunga), with the largest cabaça and deepest tone, holds the principal rhythm in a way similar to a bass guitar. It is the instrument which anchors the orchestra rhythmically and spatially, designating the place from which the players will enter the roda to begin playing. The berimbau médio also helps to maintain the rhythm, playing a rhythm which inverts that played on the gunga. The berimbau viola, with the smallest cabaça and highest pitch, performs improvised ornamentations or variations on the basic rhythm. The gunga is usually in the hands of the mestre who is directing the roda. The choice of rhythm, or toque, made by the mestre will determine the character of the game and players recognize these basic rhythms in spite of variations improvised by the musicians. Reco-reco, agogô, pandeiro, berimbaus (gunga, médio, and viola), pandeiro, and atabaque, in this order from left to right, are in the position to start the roda of Capoeira Angola. The instruments must be in the hands of able musicians, as a strong, inspiring rhythm is absolutely necessary for the players to fully demonstrate their artistic ability in the roda.
TRADITIONAL RHYTHMS (Toques)
Whole books could be written about the different rhythms applied in the Capoeira Angola roda. Names and styles tend to vary between capoeira academics. Here we are presenting the most traditional toques.
The tempo, or speed, of a toque is determined by the musicians, especially the musicians playing the gunga. In general, the tempo of the music will increase as the game continues and the musicians urge the players to play harder. The tempo, however, is not the most important element that distinguishes one toque from another.
A toque is a pattern of notes played on the berimbau. The player uses the dobrao to alter the length of the string and produce one of three different tones: a low tone with the chord open, a high tone with the dobrao against the string, and a buzzing tone in which the dobrao is used to dampen the string’s vibration. The basic toque Angola, for example, is two quick strikes against a dampened string, followed by a low note, a high note, and a one-count rest. It might be spoken “tch-tch dong ding (rest).” The basic pattern for each toque can be heard clearly at the beginning of each example, as the gunga plays alone to set the toque and the starting tempo for the entire ensemble. A musician playing the berimbau must be able to vary the cycle, improvising other rhythmic phrases that do not break the integrity of the toque. An excellent musician will respond to the other instruments, creating complex patterns and unexpected relations between them, and will, at the same time, respond to the game, even going so far as to convey to a player who is extremely sensitive to the music when and how to move.
When the musician playing the gunga either decides to change the toque or wants to get the players’ attention, he or she will signal by striking a steady stream of open notes on the berimbau. The players should respond instantly to this, recognizing that the toque is changing and their game similarly should change, or returning to the “foot of the berimbau” to end the game or receive instructions.
Angola
Angola is the traditional rhythm which begins the roda.
São Bento Grande
São Bento Pequeno
São Bento Pequeno and São Bento Grande are slightly faster than the toque Angola and are played later in the roda, when the game becomes more intense.
Iúna
Iúna is a rhythm created by Mestre Bimba to be used for games between advanced students.
Santa Maria
Cavalaria (Aviso)
Cavalaria is traditionally played to warn of a raid by the mounted cavalry or police, who often attempted to catch capoeiristas and supress various Afro-Brazilian cultural expressions which were believed to threaten authority. The rhythm imitates the hoof beats of the approaching horses.
Jogo de Dentro
Jogo de Dentro is one of the fastest and most beautiful rhythms in Capoeira Angola. During this toque, capoeiristas attempt to demonstrate their best game, playing as low to the ground and as close to each other as possible.
For Capoeira Angola, unlike many games or martial arts, music is essential to play; without it the game is unimaginable. In this the art resembles many cultural manifestations of African origin, dependent on the intimate relation between music, movement, play, and spirituality. The music of Capoeira Angola is so important in part because it helps to integrate the body and mind of the capoeirista, and also because it contributes to the playful character of the game. Not only the speed, quality and intensity of the music determine the timing and movement of the players; the aesthetic demand that a player move in relation to the rhythm also prevents the art from becoming simplistic or purely aggressive. A good player must learn to balance the aesthetic and athletic, the artistic and combative aspects of the art simultaneously. Powered by the fusion of rhythms summoned by the musicians, moving to what is simultaneously a rhythm of dance and war, the capoeirista can often find unrecognized resources in her or himself or have experiences which can only be described as spiritual.
To say that the art is profound does not imply that it is not playful. On the contrary, it is exactly the blend of intimacy and respect, humour and gravity, which can make the roda (the ring in which Capoeira Angola is played) a place where the everyday and the spiritual can come together. For this reason, the roda is entered with joy and laughter, but also with profound reverence. It is music that, in so many cultures of Africa and the African diaspora, brings together the natural and supernatural, providing a common language through which gods and humans can communicate. The instruments and music of the roda are a link to religious traditions, not just musical accompaniment for the game.
Music also assures a relationship between the players and the audience. Through the music, the leader of the orchestra can help preserve the correct relationship between the players, prevent the contest from spinning out of control, and simultaneously add energy to the interplay. Sometimes this is done overtly in the lyrics of the songs – the singers may cajole, criticize, mock, praise, or challenge the players. Always, however, it is the unbreakable link between the music and the movement of the players – rhythm – that creates and maintains the roda.
THE ORCHESTRA
The instruments now used in Capoeira Angola, although mainly of African origin, were not wedded intimately to capoeira before the art’s arrival in Brazil. The traditional orchestra of a roda of Capoeira Angola consists of three berimbaus of different pitches, two pandeiros (tambourines), one agogô (double bell), a reco-reco (a notched bamboo scraper), and an atabaque (tall drum). The orchestra forms one side of the roda of Capoeira Angola, all the musicians arranged in a line.
The most important instrument in the orchestra, the musical heart of Capoeira Angola, is the berimbau, a musical bow with a single string. The instrument is constructed of a verga, a wooden bow preferably of beriba wood; arame, a steel string pulled from the sidewall of a car tire and strung on the verga; and a cabaça or hollowed gourd tied on the bow as a resonance chamber. The entire instrument is hung from the little finger, and a dobrão, a large copper coin, is held in the same hand to change the pitch of the string. To produce sound the string is struck with a thin piece of wood, held in the other hand, called a baqueta. A small wicker rattle, the caxixi, held in the same hand as the baqueta, makes the instrument complete, providing accompaniment to the alternating tones struck on the bow.
The three berimbaus in the orchestra are tuned to different pitches. The berimbau gunga (often referred to simply as the gunga), with the largest cabaça and deepest tone, holds the principal rhythm in a way similar to a bass guitar. It is the instrument which anchors the orchestra rhythmically and spatially, designating the place from which the players will enter the roda to begin playing. The berimbau médio also helps to maintain the rhythm, playing a rhythm which inverts that played on the gunga. The berimbau viola, with the smallest cabaça and highest pitch, performs improvised ornamentations or variations on the basic rhythm. The gunga is usually in the hands of the mestre who is directing the roda. The choice of rhythm, or toque, made by the mestre will determine the character of the game and players recognize these basic rhythms in spite of variations improvised by the musicians. Reco-reco, agogô, pandeiro, berimbaus (gunga, médio, and viola), pandeiro, and atabaque, in this order from left to right, are in the position to start the roda of Capoeira Angola. The instruments must be in the hands of able musicians, as a strong, inspiring rhythm is absolutely necessary for the players to fully demonstrate their artistic ability in the roda.
TRADITIONAL RHYTHMS (Toques)
Whole books could be written about the different rhythms applied in the Capoeira Angola roda. Names and styles tend to vary between capoeira academics. Here we are presenting the most traditional toques.
The tempo, or speed, of a toque is determined by the musicians, especially the musicians playing the gunga. In general, the tempo of the music will increase as the game continues and the musicians urge the players to play harder. The tempo, however, is not the most important element that distinguishes one toque from another.
A toque is a pattern of notes played on the berimbau. The player uses the dobrao to alter the length of the string and produce one of three different tones: a low tone with the chord open, a high tone with the dobrao against the string, and a buzzing tone in which the dobrao is used to dampen the string’s vibration. The basic toque Angola, for example, is two quick strikes against a dampened string, followed by a low note, a high note, and a one-count rest. It might be spoken “tch-tch dong ding (rest).” The basic pattern for each toque can be heard clearly at the beginning of each example, as the gunga plays alone to set the toque and the starting tempo for the entire ensemble. A musician playing the berimbau must be able to vary the cycle, improvising other rhythmic phrases that do not break the integrity of the toque. An excellent musician will respond to the other instruments, creating complex patterns and unexpected relations between them, and will, at the same time, respond to the game, even going so far as to convey to a player who is extremely sensitive to the music when and how to move.
When the musician playing the gunga either decides to change the toque or wants to get the players’ attention, he or she will signal by striking a steady stream of open notes on the berimbau. The players should respond instantly to this, recognizing that the toque is changing and their game similarly should change, or returning to the “foot of the berimbau” to end the game or receive instructions.
Angola
Angola is the traditional rhythm which begins the roda.
São Bento Grande
São Bento Pequeno
São Bento Pequeno and São Bento Grande are slightly faster than the toque Angola and are played later in the roda, when the game becomes more intense.
Iúna
Iúna is a rhythm created by Mestre Bimba to be used for games between advanced students.
Santa Maria
Cavalaria (Aviso)
Cavalaria is traditionally played to warn of a raid by the mounted cavalry or police, who often attempted to catch capoeiristas and supress various Afro-Brazilian cultural expressions which were believed to threaten authority. The rhythm imitates the hoof beats of the approaching horses.
Jogo de Dentro
Jogo de Dentro is one of the fastest and most beautiful rhythms in Capoeira Angola. During this toque, capoeiristas attempt to demonstrate their best game, playing as low to the ground and as close to each other as possible.
In recent decades, capoeira has been transformed from a regional Brazilian martial art/dance genre into an internationally known and widely taught art form and philosophy, through the hard work and zeal of its masters and participants. Capoeira is also one of the ways Brazilians of African descent are re-thinking their historical ties to African traditions, their place in the African diaspora, and their roles in contemporary Brazil and beyond.
The origin of Capoeira Angola is related to many Central African cultural manifestations including the ancient practice of N’Golo from Angola. The word “N’Golo” in Kikongo, a language spoken in Angola and Zaire, means “force” or “power”. “N’Golo” also refers to the “Dance of the Zebras”. The dance was part of a rite of passage in which young men competed. The young man who gave the best presentation of balance, grace, and flexibility was able to marry without paying the traditional bride-price.
In its history and practice, Capoeira Angola reflects the philosophy and aesthetics of its place of origin. Many traditional African cultures have no clear-cut distinctions between the sacred and the secular, between work and play, between fight and fun. Capoeira Angola integrates music, movement, theatrics, play, martial arts, philosophy, and spirituality. Like many other African-based traditions, Capoeira Angola has been passed down orally from master to student, always with respect for the original masters. Over time, different styles of capoeira such as Regional, Actual and Contemporary have developed.
The Grupo de Capoeira Angola Pelourinho (GCAP) was founded in 1980, in Rio de Janeiro. In 1982, mestres Moraes and Cobra Mansa returned to Bahia, establishing the headquarters of GCAP in Salvador, a city where generations of capoeiristas have maintained the traditions of Capoeira Angola and today continue to pass on the history, philosophy, and movements of the art. Since that time,GCAP has succeeded in spreading its vision of Capoeira Angola, founding centers in Brazil in the cities of Salvador, Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, and Rio de Janeiro; and in the United States in Oakland, California, and Washngton, D.C.
By recovering and retelling the long history of political and cultural struggle embodied in Capoeira Angola, emphasizing the importance of African contributions to Brazilian history, the group continues the battle for racial justice. This commitment to social service through educational and social projects with children was reinforced in 1991, when GCAP became involved with the Projeto ERÊ, the Brazilian Center for Infancy and Adolescence (CBIA), and other cultural organizations of the Bahian Movimento Negro (“Black Movement”). Projeto ERÊ is the cultural component of the Projeto AXÉ, a non-governmental organization which provides assistance to children and adolescents often living and working in the streets of Salvador, Bahia. The voices of children you hear in the recording are the children of Projeto AXÉ, the future mestres of Capoeira Angola. Today GCAP is recognized as an important center for research and documentation of Capoeira Angola and is respected as one of the most traditional academies of Capoeira Angola, dedicated to the formation of the capoeirista angoleiro in his or her totality.
As the Grupo Capoeira Angola Pelourinho is engaged in the constant fight for the liberation of Afro-Brazilians, we would like to take this opportunity to pay homage to our hero, Zumbi dos Palmares, on the 300th anniversary of his death. Zumbi was the king of Palmares, the largest quilombo (fugitive slave or maroon community) in what is the modern state of Pernambuco. Palmares endured repeated attacks over the eighty years of its existence during the seventeenth century. For more than a half-century, the community was led valiantly by Zumbi who fought for freedom for African peoples in Brazil. His assassination was the product of fear, hatred, and a profound lack of understanding.
In many ways, we continue to face the same enemies today. The descendents of Africans living in myriad different places are still aspiring to a position of full citizenship, fighting for the day when the systems built in part through the abduction, violation, torture, and forced labor of African peoples will recognize the rights of all people – including the granddaughters and grandsons of the slaves. To GCAP, Zumbi dos Palmares symbolizes the struggle for those rights, already due to the Afro-Brazilian people, for their contribution to the construction of Brazil. For GCAP, Zumbi lives on, just as do all who have joined in this struggle, like the capoeira mestres Pastinha, Bimba, Valdemar, Cobrinha Verde, Canjuquinha, Bobo, and others. This work is a tribute to all those who have struggled on behalf of the black community spread throughout the Americas and around the world. “TOMA KWIZA” – Mestre Moraes
4. THE SONGS
The traditional song cycle of Capoeira Angola is divided into three distinct parts (ladainha, chula, and corrido), each one demanding different forms of singing, responses from the players and audience, and skills from the person leading the singing. The singing is not simply musical accompaniment for the game; rather, it is an integral part of the art, giving energy and feedback to the players and infusing the roda (the human ring in which Capoeira Angola is played) with spirituality and history.
Part I (tracks 1-7) – Written and performed by Mestre Moraes
1. Ladainha (Rei Zumbi dos Palmares): History deceives us/ Says everything contrary/ Even says that abolition/ Happened in the month of May/ The proof of this lie/ Is that from misery I do not escape. Long live the 20th of November/ Moment to be remembered/ I don’t see in the 13th of May/ Anything to commemorate/ A long time passes/ And the Black man always will struggle.
Zumbi is our hero/ Zumbi is our hero, old friend/ Of Palmares he was the leader/ For the cause of the Black man/ It was he who fought the most/ In spite of all the fighting, my friend/ The Black man did not liberate himself, comrade!
2. Chula: It’s time, it’s time/ It’s time, it’s time comrade/ Let’s go/ Let’s go comrade/ Along the coast/ Along the coast comrade/ Long live my mestre/ Long live my mestre comrade/ Who has taught me/ Who has taught me comrade.
3. Santa Barbara (corrido): Saint Barbara is syncretized (a form of incorporation) with Iansã, the Goddess of wind, storms and lightning in the Afro-Brazilian religion of Candomblé. The words translate: “Santa Barbara will [bring] lightning”.
4. Côco no Dente (corrido): This song jokes about a little rodent (the agouti or cutia), eating coconut. It translates roughly as: “I saw a cutia with coconut in its teeth/ Eating farinha with hot coconut candy/ I saw the cutia with coconut in its teeth/ with coconut…”
5. Tem Dendê, Tem Dendê (corrido): Dendê is the fruit from which palm oil is extracted, commonly used in Afro-Brazilian religious ritual and cuisine. To “have dendê” in Capoeira Angola is to have power, or malícia (cunning, savy, malice). The lyrics translate as: “There is dendê in the game of Angola”. The lead singer will often fill in the beginning of the line with names, places, instruments, or other things to address the people present or the events that are occurring.
6. Tim, Tim La Vai Viola (corrido): This song refers to the berimbau viola, the highest-pitched berimbau in the orchestra of Capoeira Angola. It is responsible for improvising variations on the basic rhythm, the toque, being played on the other berimbaus. The opening of the song translates as “Tim, tim, tim, there goes the [berimbau] viola (x3), the beautiful game is the game of Angola”. “Tim, tim, tim” is the sound of the viola.
7. Saia do Mar, Marinheiro (corrido): This song depicts the fisherman telling a stranger or enemy to leave the seaport: “Get out of the sea, get out of the sea, seaman…”.
______________
*The series initiated with this post constitutes a transcription of the record “Capoeira Angola from Salvador, Brazil”, by Smithsonian/Folkways Recordings (1996), produced by Mestre Cobra Mansa and Heidi Rauch in collaboration with the Organization of American States and Grupo de Capoeira Angola Pelourinho. I got it some years ago from my son as a birthday present and have been planning for a while to present it here (in fact, I’ve already played here one of its tracks entitled Angola). The previous post, which reports on a protest event against racist practices by the local police, to take place tomorrow in Salvador da Bahia, led by a number of groups and entities affiliated to the Bahian Movimento Negro (Black Movement), prompted me to start its presentation today.
In its history and practice, Capoeira Angola reflects the philosophy and aesthetics of its place of origin. Many traditional African cultures have no clear-cut distinctions between the sacred and the secular, between work and play, between fight and fun. Capoeira Angola integrates music, movement, theatrics, play, martial arts, philosophy, and spirituality. Like many other African-based traditions, Capoeira Angola has been passed down orally from master to student, always with respect for the original masters. Over time, different styles of capoeira such as Regional, Actual and Contemporary have developed.
The Grupo de Capoeira Angola Pelourinho (GCAP) was founded in 1980, in Rio de Janeiro. In 1982, mestres Moraes and Cobra Mansa returned to Bahia, establishing the headquarters of GCAP in Salvador, a city where generations of capoeiristas have maintained the traditions of Capoeira Angola and today continue to pass on the history, philosophy, and movements of the art. Since that time,GCAP has succeeded in spreading its vision of Capoeira Angola, founding centers in Brazil in the cities of Salvador, Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, and Rio de Janeiro; and in the United States in Oakland, California, and Washngton, D.C.
By recovering and retelling the long history of political and cultural struggle embodied in Capoeira Angola, emphasizing the importance of African contributions to Brazilian history, the group continues the battle for racial justice. This commitment to social service through educational and social projects with children was reinforced in 1991, when GCAP became involved with the Projeto ERÊ, the Brazilian Center for Infancy and Adolescence (CBIA), and other cultural organizations of the Bahian Movimento Negro (“Black Movement”). Projeto ERÊ is the cultural component of the Projeto AXÉ, a non-governmental organization which provides assistance to children and adolescents often living and working in the streets of Salvador, Bahia. The voices of children you hear in the recording are the children of Projeto AXÉ, the future mestres of Capoeira Angola. Today GCAP is recognized as an important center for research and documentation of Capoeira Angola and is respected as one of the most traditional academies of Capoeira Angola, dedicated to the formation of the capoeirista angoleiro in his or her totality.
As the Grupo Capoeira Angola Pelourinho is engaged in the constant fight for the liberation of Afro-Brazilians, we would like to take this opportunity to pay homage to our hero, Zumbi dos Palmares, on the 300th anniversary of his death. Zumbi was the king of Palmares, the largest quilombo (fugitive slave or maroon community) in what is the modern state of Pernambuco. Palmares endured repeated attacks over the eighty years of its existence during the seventeenth century. For more than a half-century, the community was led valiantly by Zumbi who fought for freedom for African peoples in Brazil. His assassination was the product of fear, hatred, and a profound lack of understanding.
In many ways, we continue to face the same enemies today. The descendents of Africans living in myriad different places are still aspiring to a position of full citizenship, fighting for the day when the systems built in part through the abduction, violation, torture, and forced labor of African peoples will recognize the rights of all people – including the granddaughters and grandsons of the slaves. To GCAP, Zumbi dos Palmares symbolizes the struggle for those rights, already due to the Afro-Brazilian people, for their contribution to the construction of Brazil. For GCAP, Zumbi lives on, just as do all who have joined in this struggle, like the capoeira mestres Pastinha, Bimba, Valdemar, Cobrinha Verde, Canjuquinha, Bobo, and others. This work is a tribute to all those who have struggled on behalf of the black community spread throughout the Americas and around the world. “TOMA KWIZA” – Mestre Moraes
4. THE SONGS
The traditional song cycle of Capoeira Angola is divided into three distinct parts (ladainha, chula, and corrido), each one demanding different forms of singing, responses from the players and audience, and skills from the person leading the singing. The singing is not simply musical accompaniment for the game; rather, it is an integral part of the art, giving energy and feedback to the players and infusing the roda (the human ring in which Capoeira Angola is played) with spirituality and history.
Part I (tracks 1-7) – Written and performed by Mestre Moraes
1. Ladainha (Rei Zumbi dos Palmares): History deceives us/ Says everything contrary/ Even says that abolition/ Happened in the month of May/ The proof of this lie/ Is that from misery I do not escape. Long live the 20th of November/ Moment to be remembered/ I don’t see in the 13th of May/ Anything to commemorate/ A long time passes/ And the Black man always will struggle.
Zumbi is our hero/ Zumbi is our hero, old friend/ Of Palmares he was the leader/ For the cause of the Black man/ It was he who fought the most/ In spite of all the fighting, my friend/ The Black man did not liberate himself, comrade!
2. Chula: It’s time, it’s time/ It’s time, it’s time comrade/ Let’s go/ Let’s go comrade/ Along the coast/ Along the coast comrade/ Long live my mestre/ Long live my mestre comrade/ Who has taught me/ Who has taught me comrade.
3. Santa Barbara (corrido): Saint Barbara is syncretized (a form of incorporation) with Iansã, the Goddess of wind, storms and lightning in the Afro-Brazilian religion of Candomblé. The words translate: “Santa Barbara will [bring] lightning”.
4. Côco no Dente (corrido): This song jokes about a little rodent (the agouti or cutia), eating coconut. It translates roughly as: “I saw a cutia with coconut in its teeth/ Eating farinha with hot coconut candy/ I saw the cutia with coconut in its teeth/ with coconut…”
5. Tem Dendê, Tem Dendê (corrido): Dendê is the fruit from which palm oil is extracted, commonly used in Afro-Brazilian religious ritual and cuisine. To “have dendê” in Capoeira Angola is to have power, or malícia (cunning, savy, malice). The lyrics translate as: “There is dendê in the game of Angola”. The lead singer will often fill in the beginning of the line with names, places, instruments, or other things to address the people present or the events that are occurring.
6. Tim, Tim La Vai Viola (corrido): This song refers to the berimbau viola, the highest-pitched berimbau in the orchestra of Capoeira Angola. It is responsible for improvising variations on the basic rhythm, the toque, being played on the other berimbaus. The opening of the song translates as “Tim, tim, tim, there goes the [berimbau] viola (x3), the beautiful game is the game of Angola”. “Tim, tim, tim” is the sound of the viola.
7. Saia do Mar, Marinheiro (corrido): This song depicts the fisherman telling a stranger or enemy to leave the seaport: “Get out of the sea, get out of the sea, seaman…”.
______________
*The series initiated with this post constitutes a transcription of the record “Capoeira Angola from Salvador, Brazil”, by Smithsonian/Folkways Recordings (1996), produced by Mestre Cobra Mansa and Heidi Rauch in collaboration with the Organization of American States and Grupo de Capoeira Angola Pelourinho. I got it some years ago from my son as a birthday present and have been planning for a while to present it here (in fact, I’ve already played here one of its tracks entitled Angola). The previous post, which reports on a protest event against racist practices by the local police, to take place tomorrow in Salvador da Bahia, led by a number of groups and entities affiliated to the Bahian Movimento Negro (Black Movement), prompted me to start its presentation today.
The collection Prophet, devoted to traditional music from all over the world is principally constituted of recordings and photographs made by Charles Duvelle* in the course of the past forty years. They are mostly original recordings that have never been released “in extenso”, with the exception of a few issued on records now long unavailable. Despite the age of some recordings of performers no longer alive, the sound quality (an essential aspect, naturally, as far as music is concerned) is still high, thanks to the use of high quality equipment and the versatility of the sound recording techniques, adapted to the particular conditions of orally transmitted music, i.e. performers moving about (singer-dancers), the hazards of the open-air (wind and other extraneous noises), a care for the spontaneity of the performers and the inevitably unique situation of each musical performance (the idea of rehearsing for a definitive performance is ruled out). Prophet claims to be different from other collections of world music by virtue of its exacting standards of authenticity and musical quality.
Musical authenticity: recorded live, in a traditional local environment, generally on a particular occasion and not in a lifeless studio or on a stage; Acustic authenticity: the acoustic environment (fundamental for the quality of the sound reproduction) is carefully respected. A cathedral organ without its natural reverberation would lose a great deal of its force, and, conversely, open-air music played within a hall would forfeit an important part of its acoustic specificity; Temporal authenticity: as far as possible, the actual duration of the musical performance is taken into account; the listener is in a genuine temporal dimension (hence some long tracks) and not just presented with a sampling of short extracts. The impression of monotony that often arises from listening to a relatively long piece gives way, after a while, to a richer and more intense level of perception.
*Composer, pianist and musicologist, Charles Duvelle is a pioneer recorder and publisher of traditional music. The founder and director of the Ocora collection, he has effected, over a period of some four decades, many recordings and photographs of music and dance in different regions of the world. His publications have earned him several awards both in France and abroad, notably the Grands Prix of the Academie du Disque Francais, of the Academie Charles Cros, of the Institut de Musicologie and the Premier Prix of the first World Festival of Negro Art. His favourite area is African music, of which he is one of the finest specialists.
***
THE SONGS (All recorded in 1966 at various locations in the Bakongo Region)
Track 01 Malaki
Nkento wa lembo mwana (when a woman has no child, she can sleep soundly) is played during a malaki, a ceremonial cessation of mourning that usually takes place three or four years after the death. The matanga, on the other hand, is a different celebration, taking place only five or six months after death. The soloist, Albert Moupepe, known as spring (the spiral sort), is answered by a male chorus accompanied by the following instrumental ensemble: several bitsatsa, rattles made from tin cans (shaken by the singers); a mother-drum ngoma-nguidi, the skin fixed by nails, played by Vindu; a child-drum (smaller than the preceding) ngoma-mwana, played by Matoumpama. The bwanga is performed by dancing couples.
Track 02 Complaint
Gabriel Bassoumba sings a lament, in the course of which he says, “I should rather be a beetle than a man. Nobody disturbs the beetle when he is up a palm tree, and his carapace protects him. Everyone has a family, but not I. One day I shall end up devoured by jackals.” He accompanies himself on the nsambi kinzonzolo, a five-stringed raffia bow lute.
Track 03 Wara
Genevieve Mpofo sings on the theme of the childless woman who can sleep soundly. She sings in alternation with a mixed chorus, and is accompanied by an instrumental ensemble comprising: a single skin ngoma-ngudi mother drum; a ngoma-mwana child drum, smaller than the preceding.
Track 04 Massikulu
Longo wa longo is the title of this massikulu, a type of music played solely on the death of a notability. The orchestra consists of: seven horizontal ivory horns, covered with rattan weaving, some of them also having a cylindrical wooden bell (in order of decreasing size: 1 vunda, 1 landi, 1 sasa, 2 tangui, 2 zenze); one bugle; two double-skin kettledrums. Almost spherical in form, each kettledrum comprises a wooden body, the opening of which is covered by an antelope skin, stretched by real rattan weaving enclosing almost the whole body of the instrument and joined at the other extremity to a second, smaller antelope skin covering the lower part of the kettledrum. Of slightly different sizes, the kettledrums are called sikulu (the master, with the higher pitch) and tuta (with the lower pitch). The first part is played by the instrumental ensemble and is followed by a passage sung by the men accompanied by drums and hand-clapping. A final instrumental section precedes another vocal passage.
Track 05 Song and Nsambi
Thomas Sissia sings with three other men and accompanies himself on the nsambi, a bow lute with four liana strings. The other accompanying instruments are a tsatsa tin-can rattle, and a bottle that is struck with a stick (replacing the old nongi double bell), to which are added hand-clapping and a whistle. This is the story of a priest who, while preaching virtue, has slept with a woman and made her pregnant: “what is the point of preaching if one does not do as one recommends to others?”
Track 06 Bulombi
Music in the ngoma ntela style (literally, drums played upright), bulombi (blackness) is performed on the occasion of a malaki, a cessation of mourning. A male voice intones the first phrase while a mixed chorus responds, accompanied by a group of drums and kitsatsa tin-can rattles. The main drum, called ngoudi (mother), is roughly cylindrical, its upper part being covered with a skin held in place with wooden nails, and its lower part partly blocked by the cut of the cask (the diameter of the opening is about half that of the upper section). The centre of the membrane is covered with a wax paste that serves to regulate, by its greater or lesser weight, the vibrating frequency of the skin. Thedrummer carries on each wrist a small, spherical rattle called ntsala, made from a gourd containing dried seeds that is transfixed by a wooden handle through which a string passes. During performance, the seeds rattle inside the gourds, producing a continual rustling that complements the sounds of the drum. The two other drums are called ntambou. They are cylindrical, with nailed skins, but have no wax in the centre of the membrane.
Track 07 Bi Witi
Bi-witi is music rarely heard today. It was not possible to determine the precise meaning of this music, or the circumstances in which it is traditionally played. It is apparently linked to ancestor worship and, according to some, to funerary rites. The ensemble consists of six horns, four of which represent a person: mampongui-nguembo (the father), nsoni-boungu (the mother), lembe-nsoni (the daughter), mpandi-nsoni (the son). Each horn is sculpted from the block, the air column being inside the part representing the body; the mouthpiece is situated in the back, between the two arms. The first three horns are held vertically, the fourth (mpandi-nsoni) horizontally. The two other horns are horizontal, made from the roots of the wild flame tree. They are of different sizes, the larger being mpolomono, the other kinku.
The collection Prophet, devoted to traditional music from all over the world is principally constituted of recordings and photographs made by Charles Duvelle* in the course of the past forty years. They are mostly original recordings that have never been released “in extenso”, with the exception of a few issued on records now long unavailable. Despite the age of some recordings of performers no longer alive, the sound quality (an essential aspect, naturally, as far as music is concerned) is still high, thanks to the use of high quality equipment and the versatility of the sound recording techniques, adapted to the particular conditions of orally transmitted music, i.e. performers moving about (singer-dancers), the hazards of the open-air (wind and other extraneous noises), a care for the spontaneity of the performers and the inevitably unique situation of each musical performance (the idea of rehearsing for a definitive performance is ruled out). Prophet claims to be different from other collections of world music by virtue of its exacting standards of authenticity and musical quality.
Musical authenticity: recorded live, in a traditional local environment, generally on a particular occasion and not in a lifeless studio or on a stage; Acustic authenticity: the acoustic environment (fundamental for the quality of the sound reproduction) is carefully respected. A cathedral organ without its natural reverberation would lose a great deal of its force, and, conversely, open-air music played within a hall would forfeit an important part of its acoustic specificity; Temporal authenticity: as far as possible, the actual duration of the musical performance is taken into account; the listener is in a genuine temporal dimension (hence some long tracks) and not just presented with a sampling of short extracts. The impression of monotony that often arises from listening to a relatively long piece gives way, after a while, to a richer and more intense level of perception.
*Composer, pianist and musicologist, Charles Duvelle is a pioneer recorder and publisher of traditional music. The founder and director of the Ocora collection, he has effected, over a period of some four decades, many recordings and photographs of music and dance in different regions of the world. His publications have earned him several awards both in France and abroad, notably the Grands Prix of the Academie du Disque Francais, of the Academie Charles Cros, of the Institut de Musicologie and the Premier Prix of the first World Festival of Negro Art. His favourite area is African music, of which he is one of the finest specialists.
***
THE SONGS (All recorded in 1966 at various locations in the Bakongo Region)
Track 01 Malaki
Nkento wa lembo mwana (when a woman has no child, she can sleep soundly) is played during a malaki, a ceremonial cessation of mourning that usually takes place three or four years after the death. The matanga, on the other hand, is a different celebration, taking place only five or six months after death. The soloist, Albert Moupepe, known as spring (the spiral sort), is answered by a male chorus accompanied by the following instrumental ensemble: several bitsatsa, rattles made from tin cans (shaken by the singers); a mother-drum ngoma-nguidi, the skin fixed by nails, played by Vindu; a child-drum (smaller than the preceding) ngoma-mwana, played by Matoumpama. The bwanga is performed by dancing couples.
Track 02 Complaint
Gabriel Bassoumba sings a lament, in the course of which he says, “I should rather be a beetle than a man. Nobody disturbs the beetle when he is up a palm tree, and his carapace protects him. Everyone has a family, but not I. One day I shall end up devoured by jackals.” He accompanies himself on the nsambi kinzonzolo, a five-stringed raffia bow lute.
Track 03 Wara
Genevieve Mpofo sings on the theme of the childless woman who can sleep soundly. She sings in alternation with a mixed chorus, and is accompanied by an instrumental ensemble comprising: a single skin ngoma-ngudi mother drum; a ngoma-mwana child drum, smaller than the preceding.
Track 04 Massikulu
Longo wa longo is the title of this massikulu, a type of music played solely on the death of a notability. The orchestra consists of: seven horizontal ivory horns, covered with rattan weaving, some of them also having a cylindrical wooden bell (in order of decreasing size: 1 vunda, 1 landi, 1 sasa, 2 tangui, 2 zenze); one bugle; two double-skin kettledrums. Almost spherical in form, each kettledrum comprises a wooden body, the opening of which is covered by an antelope skin, stretched by real rattan weaving enclosing almost the whole body of the instrument and joined at the other extremity to a second, smaller antelope skin covering the lower part of the kettledrum. Of slightly different sizes, the kettledrums are called sikulu (the master, with the higher pitch) and tuta (with the lower pitch). The first part is played by the instrumental ensemble and is followed by a passage sung by the men accompanied by drums and hand-clapping. A final instrumental section precedes another vocal passage.
Track 05 Song and Nsambi
Thomas Sissia sings with three other men and accompanies himself on the nsambi, a bow lute with four liana strings. The other accompanying instruments are a tsatsa tin-can rattle, and a bottle that is struck with a stick (replacing the old nongi double bell), to which are added hand-clapping and a whistle. This is the story of a priest who, while preaching virtue, has slept with a woman and made her pregnant: “what is the point of preaching if one does not do as one recommends to others?”
Track 06 Bulombi
Music in the ngoma ntela style (literally, drums played upright), bulombi (blackness) is performed on the occasion of a malaki, a cessation of mourning. A male voice intones the first phrase while a mixed chorus responds, accompanied by a group of drums and kitsatsa tin-can rattles. The main drum, called ngoudi (mother), is roughly cylindrical, its upper part being covered with a skin held in place with wooden nails, and its lower part partly blocked by the cut of the cask (the diameter of the opening is about half that of the upper section). The centre of the membrane is covered with a wax paste that serves to regulate, by its greater or lesser weight, the vibrating frequency of the skin. Thedrummer carries on each wrist a small, spherical rattle called ntsala, made from a gourd containing dried seeds that is transfixed by a wooden handle through which a string passes. During performance, the seeds rattle inside the gourds, producing a continual rustling that complements the sounds of the drum. The two other drums are called ntambou. They are cylindrical, with nailed skins, but have no wax in the centre of the membrane.
Track 07 Bi Witi
Bi-witi is music rarely heard today. It was not possible to determine the precise meaning of this music, or the circumstances in which it is traditionally played. It is apparently linked to ancestor worship and, according to some, to funerary rites. The ensemble consists of six horns, four of which represent a person: mampongui-nguembo (the father), nsoni-boungu (the mother), lembe-nsoni (the daughter), mpandi-nsoni (the son). Each horn is sculpted from the block, the air column being inside the part representing the body; the mouthpiece is situated in the back, between the two arms. The first three horns are held vertically, the fourth (mpandi-nsoni) horizontally. The two other horns are horizontal, made from the roots of the wild flame tree. They are of different sizes, the larger being mpolomono, the other kinku.
